CHAPTER 3 ~ MOBILITY ~
Edition 4, November 2009
(3-A) ~ Import/Export Data ~
(3-A-a) ~ Global Data ~
(3-A-b) ~ Regional and National Data ~ [Ab1]~China, [Ab2]~Indonesia, [Ab3]~Vietnam, [Ab4]~Africa, [Ab5]~North America, [Ab6]~Japan, [Ab7]~Europe, [Ab8]~Asian Sub-Continent, [Ab9]~Latin America, ~
(3-B) ~ Private Capital Flows ~ [B0]~Global,
[B1]~Developing Countries, [B2] China, [B3]~United States, [B4]~Latin America, [B5]~Africa, [B6]~OECD Countries, ~
(3-C) ~ Ocean Shipping and Highways ~
(3-D) ~ Trade Deficits, Current Account Deficits and Surpluses ~
(3-D-a) ~ US Data ~
(3-D-b) ~ Non-US Data ~
(3-E) ~ Human Mobility (Immigration)
(3-F) ~ Productivities ~
(3-G) ~ In-Sourcing/ Out-Sourcing ~
(3-H) ~ Privatization and GATS ~
(3- I) ~ Conditions that Affect Benefits and Costs of Globalization ~
(3-J) ~ Effects of Globalization on Consumption
~
Go to List of References
~ Go to Table of Contents of this document ~ Go to "Globalization: The Convergence Issue" ~
Go to Home Page of this entire website ~
SECTION [3-A] ~ Import/ Export Data ~
Part [Aa] ~ Global Data ~
Declining Cost of Transportation and Communication, 1920-1990 (I.M.F. data)
(now in gci-analysis1.doc Section (1-A) Part [1A1] 10/22/08) {w60}
|
Year |
Sea (a) |
Air (b) |
Phone Call (c) |
Computers (d) |
|
1930 |
60 |
0.68 |
245 |
- |
|
1940 |
63 |
0.46 |
189 |
- |
|
1950 |
34 |
0.30 |
53 |
- |
|
1960 |
27 |
0.24 |
46 |
12,500 |
|
1970 |
27 |
0.16 |
32 |
1,947 |
|
1980 |
24 |
0.10 |
5 |
362 |
|
1990 |
29 |
0.11 |
3 |
100 |
(a) Average ocean freight- and port charges per ton ($US)
(b) Average revenue/ passenger-mile ($US)
(c) 3 minutes: NY/ London ($US)
(d) Index, 1990=100
Global Air Transportation: 1950-1998 (I.M.F. Data) (now in \global\gci-analysis1.doc Section (1-A) Part [1A1] 10/22/08) {w100}
|
Year |
People |
Freight |
Year |
People |
Freight |
Year |
People |
Freight |
|
1950 |
28 |
0.7 |
1975 |
697 |
19.4 |
1987 |
1,589 |
48.3 |
|
1960 |
109 |
2.0 |
1977 |
818 |
23.6 |
1989 |
1,774 |
57.1 |
|
1967 |
273 |
6.5 |
1979 |
1,060 |
28.0 |
1991 |
1,845 |
58.6 |
|
1968 |
309 |
8.2 |
1980 |
1,089 |
29.4 |
1992 |
1,929 |
62.6 |
|
1969 |
351 |
9.8 |
1981 |
1,119 |
30.9 |
1993 |
1,949 |
68.4 |
|
1970 |
460 |
12.0 |
1982 |
1,142 |
31.5 |
1994 |
2,100 |
77.2 |
|
1971 |
494 |
13.2 |
1983 |
1,190 |
35.1 |
1995 |
2,248 |
83.1 |
|
1972 |
560 |
15.0 |
1984 |
1,278 |
39.7 |
1996 |
2,426 |
89.2 |
|
1973 |
618 |
17.5 |
1985 |
1,367 |
39.8 |
1997 |
2,570 |
99.8 |
|
1974 |
656 |
19.0 |
1986 |
1,452 |
43.2 |
1998 |
2,621 |
99.0 |
People = Billions of passenger-kilometers . . . Freight = Billions of ton-kilometers
Source: Vital Signs 1999, Worldwatch Institute
According to the National Council of Textile Organizations, Chinese shipments of textiles and clothing to the US soared more than 11-fold since quotas were lifted in 2002, while the share of that market held by 50 other countries plunged to 28% from 90% (04M4).
Top countries or regions that depend on apparel and textile exports; apparel and textile exports as a percentage of merchandise exports (04M4) (Source: World Bank) {w30}
|
Country |
% |
|
Bangladesh |
85.9 |
|
Macau |
84.4 |
|
Cambodia |
72.5 |
|
Pakistan |
72.1 |
|
El Salvador |
60.2 |
|
Mauritius |
56.6 |
|
Sri Lanka |
54.3 |
|
Dominican Rep. |
50.9 |
|
Nepal |
48.7 |
|
Tunisia |
42.4 |
At $350 billion/ year, world trade in textiles and clothing accounts for 8% of all trade in manufactured goods (04M4). Comments: On 1/1/05 a major barrier to trade in textiles and clothing was eliminated globally. This resulted in huge increases in exports from China, and extreme duress among numerous other developing world countries.
Figure 9.1 (Converted to a table) ~ Percent of Total Merchandise Exports that are Agricultural (from a plot that has been smoothed) (03S4) {w70}
|
Year |
1961 |
1964 |
1967 |
1970 |
1973 |
1976 |
1979 |
|
Least Developed Countries |
67 |
60 |
52 |
45 |
45 |
48 |
40 |
|
All Developing Countries |
50 |
43 |
38 |
33 |
28 |
18 |
15 |
|
Year |
1982 |
1985 |
1988 |
1991 |
1994 |
1997 |
2000 |
|
Least-Developed Countries |
35 |
33 |
29 |
22 |
22 |
20 |
16 |
|
All Developing Countries |
13 |
14 |
13 |
10 |
9 |
8 |
7 |
Agricultural Imports and Exports of Least-Developed Countries during 1961-2000 in Millions of US$ (from a plot - data has been smoothed) (03S4) {w80}
|
Year |
1961 |
1964 |
1967 |
1970 |
1973 |
1976 |
1979 |
|
Exports |
1900 |
2100 |
2200 |
2500 |
3000 |
4300 |
5100 |
|
Imports |
800 |
~900 |
1000 |
1100 |
2300 |
2400 |
4500 |
|
Trade Surplus |
1100 |
1200 |
1200 |
1400 |
~700 |
1900 |
~600 |
|
Year |
1982 |
1985 |
1988 |
1991 |
1994 |
1997 |
2000 |
|
Exports |
600 |
4600 |
4500 |
3900 |
4600 |
5000 |
4000 |
|
Imports |
600 |
4600 |
5500 |
6000 |
7000 |
8500 |
7800 |
|
Trade Surplus |
0 |
0 |
-1000 |
-2100 |
-2400 |
-3500 |
-3800 |
Agricultural Trade Surpluses and Deficits of Developing Nations during 1961-2000 in Millions of US$ (from a plot - data has been smoothed) (03S4) {w70} ~
|
Year |
1961 |
1964 |
1967 |
1970 |
1973 |
1976 |
1979 |
|
Trade Surplus |
6000 |
7000 |
7000 |
8000 |
10000 |
10000 |
10000 |
|
Year |
1982 |
1985 |
1988 |
1991 |
1994 |
1997 |
2000 |
|
Trade Surplus |
-2000 |
10000 |
5000 |
~ 0 |
-2000 |
-1000 |
-6000 |
Trade flows between developing and developed countries
Net trade of developing countries (Negative values denote net imports.) (03S4) {w70}
|
Commodity category |
1961/63 |
1979/81 |
1997/99 |
2015 |
2030 |
|
Total agriculture |
6.68 |
3.87 |
-0.23 |
-17.6 |
-34.6 |
|
Total food |
1.14 |
-11.52 |
-11.25 |
-30.7 |
-50.1 |
|
Temperate-zone |
-1.72 |
-18.17 |
-24.23 |
-43.8 |
-61.5 |
|
Competing |
3.13 |
4.29 |
6.20 |
6.3 |
5.9 |
|
Tropical |
3.83 |
17.55 |
19.16 |
22.8 |
26.0 |
Columns 2-4 are in Billions of US$ (current)
Columns 5-6 are in Billions of US$ of 1997/99
The surplus in the overall agricultural trade balance of developing countries has virtually disappeared over the past 40 years, and the outlook to 2030 suggests that, as a group, they will increasingly become net importers of agricultural commodities (03S4).
In 1961/63 developing countries as a whole had an overall agricultural trade surplus of US$6.7 billion, but this gradually disappeared so that by the end of the 1990s agricultural trade was broadly in balance, with periodic minor surpluses and deficits (03S4).
The share of developing countries' agricultural exports in their overall exports fell from nearly 50% at the beginning of the 1960s to barely more than 5% by 2002 (03S4). Even for the group of the 49 LDCs, where agriculture is often the largest sector of the economy, the share of agricultural exports declined from more than 65% in the early 1960s to less than 15% by 2000 (Figure 9.1 - in Section (3-A-a)) (03S4).
Agricultural trade has also grown during the last 50 years, but only at about the rate of global economic output (03S4).
The last 50 years have witnessed a global merchandise trade increase of 17-fold, more than three times faster than growth in world economic output (03S4).
Top importers and exporters in 2001 merchandise trade (in US$billions) (Wall Street Journal (9/9/03)) {w50}
|
Nation |
Value of |
Value of |
|
EU * |
$874.1 |
$912.8 |
|
US |
$730.8 |
$1180.2 |
|
Japan |
$403.5 |
$ 349.1 |
|
China |
$266.2 |
$ 243.6 |
|
Canada |
$259.9 |
$ 227.2 |
|
Hong Kong |
$191.1 |
$ 202.0 |
|
Mexico |
$158.5 |
$ 176.2 |
|
South Korea |
$150.4 |
$ 141.1 |
|
Taiwan |
$122.5 |
$ 107.3 |
|
Singapore |
$121.8 |
$ 116.0 |
*Does not include trade inside the EU
Source: World Trade Organization
Global market for agricultural products: $850 million (02P2).
Global trade in manufactured goods was almost $4.5 trillion in 2001 (02P2).
The shoe business moved from Japan in the 1960s to Korea and Taiwan in the 1970s and to China and Indonesia in the 1980s (02D1). Comments: These shifts are easily related to changes in wages in the countries involved. Indonesia is now apparently losing out to Vietnam and China (02D1).
Percentage of Nike Footwear produced by Country of Manufacture (02D1) {w30}
|
Fiscal Year |
1996 |
2002 |
|
Indonesia |
38 |
30 |
|
Vietnam |
2 |
15 |
|
China |
34 |
38 |
|
Others |
26 |
17 |
The world has 60,000 multinational corporations (in 2000, vs. 35,000 in 1990 and 7000 in 1970), with 800,000 foreign affiliates and $15 trillion in annual sales (02F2) (01U5).
Since the end of WWII, the proportion of trade as a share of global income has risen from 7 to 21%. In the US, international trade now accounts for about 24% of GDP. Trade volume has increased 15-fold over the past four decades, vs. a six-fold increase in production. Developing countries now account for about 25% of world trade, vs. 20% a decade ago (Renato Ruggiero, "The High Stakes of World Trade", Wall Street Journal (4/28/97)). Comments: Does this 25% include just exports, just imports, or exports + imports?
A chart in the Wall Street Journal (12/16/93) shows total value of world exports and imports roughly doubling every 10 years during the period 1960-1992, with the total value of world exports and imports in 1992 being $7.5 trillion.
A common mental image is of capital flowing from high-wage, rich countries to the low-wage poor countries in order to produce goods for export back to the rich countries. In reality, the majority of such investments flow from one rich country to another. Most of the output from such investments is sold in the country where it is made, or in third countries, rather than being exported back to the investor's home country (95W1).
Between one-third and one-half of all trade is "intra-firm" trade (transactions between a parent firm located in one country and its affiliates in another country) (95W1).
Foreign direct investment has grown twice as fast as international trade over the past 25 years, while trade, in turn, has grown twice as fast as world output (95W1).
Stock investment across national boundaries as a percentage of total world stock turnovers: 6.2% in 1979: 11% in 1984: 14% in 1989 (Solomon Bros. International Ltd. Data).
World Exports plus Imports in trillions of US dollars (International Monetary Fund data) (from a plot) {w70}
|
Year |
1950 |
1955 |
1960 |
1965 |
1970 |
1975 |
1980 |
1985 |
1989 |
|
Amt. |
0.1 |
0.2 |
0.25 |
0.4 |
0.6 |
1.7 |
3.9 |
3.8 |
5.9 |
Comments: Trade volume appears to roughly triple every decade.
Comments: For perspective, global GDP in 1997 was about $25 trillion.
Real growth of exports, 1985-1996: Developing economies: 217%, World: 94.2%, Industrialized economies: 69.6% (DRI/McGraw Hill data, Wall Street Journal (2/24/97)).
Go to Top of Part [Aa] -Global Data
Part [Ab] ~ REGIONAL AND NATIONAL DATA ~ [Ab1]~China, [Ab2]~Indonesia, [Ab3]~Vietnam, [Ab4]~Africa, [Ab5]~North America, [Ab6]~Japan, [Ab7] ~Europe, [Ab8]~Asian Sub-Continent, [Ab9]~Latin America,
Sub-Part [Ab1] ~ China ~
In the first month after the end of all quotas on textiles and apparel around the world, imports (of textiles and apparel?) to the US from China jumped 75% (David Barboza and Elizabeth Becker "Free of Quota, China Textiles Flood the U.S.", New York Times (3/10/05)).
57% of Chinese exports - nearly all of its manufactured goods - come from multinational companies (04F3).
A WTO study indicates that China could capture 56% of the US apparel market after the quotas are removed on 1/1/05, vs. 12% in 2001 (04M4).
China's total exports as a % of GDP (from a graph) {w70}
|
Year |
1990 |
1991 |
1992 |
1993 |
1994 |
1995 |
1996 |
1997 |
1998 |
1999 |
|
~ |
13.0 |
14.5 |
14.5 |
12.0 |
18.5 |
18.0 |
18.0 |
20.0 |
19.5 |
19.5 |
[w25}
|
Year |
2000 |
2001 |
2002 |
|
~ |
23.0 |
23.0 |
26.0 |
China's total exports in 2002: $325.57 billion (03U2).
China's total imports in 2002: $295.22 billion (03U2).
China's total trade in 2001 was $510 billion - 15 times greater than in 1980. 41% of exports went to the US (02I1).
China is the world's 6th largest trading nation and is expected to rank second by 2010 (02I1).
Factories in Dongguan China produce 37% of the world's disk drives and 10% of its computer monitors in 2001 -- plus tens of millions of scanners, printers and DVD players (02I1).
In 2001, China shipped $4.6 billion in furniture to the US (02I1).
China's Exports and Imports (in US $billions) (from a chart) (Sources: Ministry of Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation; China National Bureau of Statistics) (02L2) {w45}
|
Year |
1991 |
1993 |
1995 |
1997 |
1999 |
2001 |
|
Exports |
240 |
390 |
680 |
900 |
980 |
1150 |
|
Imports |
60 |
105 |
135 |
143 |
165 |
245 |
Comments: Much import growth is probably food needed to deal with growing populations and degrading croplands.
About $10 billion in Chinese-made merchandise makes it to Wal-Mart stores annually (02L1).
China's exports and foreign investments in China, in $billions (data of National Bureau of Statistics of China) (from a chart) (02l1). {w65}
|
Year |
1990 |
1992 |
1994 |
1996 |
1998 |
2000 |
2001 |
|
Investments |
20 |
60 |
195 |
240 |
260 |
235 |
260 |
|
Exports |
10 |
14 |
20 |
25 |
30 |
41 |
44 |
In 2001, 20% of everything Philips made worldwide came from China, and that percentage is rising rapidly (02L1).
Between 1998-2001, total US imports of household cooking appliances from China more than doubled to $640 million (02L1).
During 1998-2001, Chinese exports of TV and audio equipment to the US rose 13%/year to $6 billion in 2001; tools and hardware rose 23%/year to more than $1.5 billion in 2001; sporting goods rose 16%/ year to $2 billion in 2001 (02L1).
China's high-tech exports to the US are growing faster than any other category -- up 47% in the first 7 months of 2002 from a year earlier (02L1).
In July 2002, exports to the US of China-made electronic products hit $1.2 billion, up 12.5% from June 2002 (02L1).
A single Chinese company accounts for 40% of all microwave ovens sold in Europe (02L1).
China makes more than 50% of cameras sold worldwide, 30% of air conditioners and TVs, 25% of all washing machines, and nearly 20% of the refrigerators (02L1).
China is now the world's fourth largest industrial base in terms of value of goods produced, behind the US, Japan and Germany (02L1).
Half of China's exports now come from foreign exporters or their joint ventures in China (02L1).
Chinese exports in 2001: $266 billion (02L1).
US Imports from, and Exports to, China ($billions) (Datastream International, late 1999) (from a graph in Wall Street Journal) {w50}
|
Year |
1988 |
1990 |
1992 |
1994 |
1996 |
1998 |
|
Imports |
10 |
15 |
27 |
40 |
53 |
70 |
|
Exports |
6 |
6 |
8 |
10 |
12 |
13 |
Philips exports nearly 2/3 of its $5 billion in goods produced in its 23 Chinese factories (02L1).
Total Chinese-Japanese Trade (in billions of US$) (from a chart) (Japanese Ministry of Finance data) {w40}
|
Year |
1988 |
1989 |
1990 |
1991 |
1992 |
|
Trade |
19 |
20 |
18 |
22 |
29 |
Sub-Part [Ab2] ~ INDONESIA ~
Indonesia's shoe exports in 2006 are expected to increase by 20% over the 2005 figure of $1.5 billion (150 million pair of shoes). In 1996 Indonesia's footwear industry exports peaked at $2.5 billion. (About 200,000 Indonesians lost their jobs during the Asian financial crisis of 1997-98.) (06W4) Comments: The financial crisis of 1997-1998 is widely attributed to the trade rules of globalization that enables multinational corporations to instantly withdraw their financial investments from any nation in which they have financial investments. Developing world nations are demanding that this provision of trade rules be changed in future negotiations. Nations like Chile that did not allow instantaneous withdrawal of financial assets did not suffer directly from the financial crisis of 1997-1998.
In Indonesia there is no evidence that better-paying high tech jobs are replacing the lower-tech jobs being lost (the "Flying Geese" model), e.g. the movement of shoe manufacturing to Vietnam and China (02D1).
Indonesia was ruled for 32 years until 1998 by the dictator Suharto. During that time, Indonesia failed to build such key institutions as a functioning judiciary, and is unable to lay down clear and consistent policies since these matters were redressed from the Suharto family or from a general. The result: political turmoil - one reason why shoe manufacturers are fleeing Indonesia. Another reason: Vietnam and China do not allow workers to organize - like Indonesia does (02D1).
Sub-Part [Ab3] ~ VIETNAM ~
Vietnam's imports, mostly from the West, totaled $1.9 billion in 1991. 68% of it was raw materials and fuels. Vietnam's exports in 1991 totaled $1.8 billion. 53.4% was non-manufactured - fish, forest products and minerals (Pittsburgh Post Gazette (2/5/92)). Comments: The over-fishing and deforestation in Vietnam would suggest that this export mix is non-sustainable.
Sub-Part [Ab4] ~ AFRICA ~
Madagascar's exports to the US in the first half of 2001 totaled $132.8 million, vs. $62.7 million the year before (Helene Cooper, Wall Street Journal (1/2/02)). Comments: This appears to be a consequence of the trade agreement between the US and African nations.
Sub-Part [Ab5] ~ NORTH AMERICA ~
Imports of goods and services into the US as a percentage of GDP (smoothed curve from a graph) (06U1). {w60}
|
Year |
1970 |
1975 |
1980 |
1985 |
1990 |
1995 |
2000 |
2005 |
|
Pct. |
5.4 |
8.0 |
9.0 |
10.0 |
10.6 |
12.0 |
13.5 |
16.0 |
(up 3%/ decade during 1985-2005)
Market Share of US sock makers (from a chart) {w50}
|
Year |
1999 |
2000 |
2001 |
2002 |
2003 |
2004 |
|
Share |
76% |
68 |
63 |
51 |
42 |
32% |
Sock imports into the US from China (in millions of US dollars) (from a chart): {w50}
|
Year |
1999 |
2000 |
2001 |
2002 |
2003 |
2004 |
|
Imports |
3 |
5 |
7 |
27 |
95 |
230 |
(Greg Hitt, Dan Morse, "Once Close-Knit Sock Industry Splits Over Trade Restrictions", Wall Street Journal (5/27/05), p. A1.)
In the first month after the end of all quotas on textiles and apparel around the world, imports (of textiles and apparel?) to the US from China jumped 75% (David Barboza and Elizabeth Becker "Free of Quota, China Textiles Flood the U.S.", New York Times (3/10/05.)).
A WTO study indicates that China could capture 56% of the US apparel market after the quotas are removed on 1/1/05, vs. 12% in 2001 (04M4).
US Imports of Chinese Auto Parts in billions of US dollars (in gcib.html - Appendix B) (Norihiko Shirouzu, "Big Three's Outsourcing Plan: Make Parts Suppliers Do It", Wall Street Journal (6/10/04), p. A1.) (From a chart) {w60}
|
Year |
1997 |
1998 |
1999 |
2000 |
2001 |
2002 |
2003 |
|
$billions |
0.19 |
0.23 |
0.30 |
0.43 |
0.58 |
0.78 |
1.01 |
In the first half of 2003, imports snagged nearly 2 out of every 3 dollars in the growth of US manufacturing shipments over the same period in 2002. (Data from the Manufacturers Alliance) (03A1)
US imports (of goods and services?) in 2002: $1410 billion (03U1).
US exports of goods and services in 2002: $973 billion (03U1).
US manufacturing exports in 2002: $563 billion (???) (03U1).
Trade between Russia and the US (from a graph) (Source: Commerce Department and Energy Information Administration) (02H3) {w60}
|
Year |
1992 |
1993 |
1994 |
1995 |
1996 |
1997 |
1998 |
1999 |
|
US Exports |
2.1 |
2.9 |
2.6 |
2.9 |
3.4 |
3.4 |
3.6 |
2.0 |
|
US Imports |
0.5 |
1.9 |
3.3 |
4.0 |
3.7 |
4.3 |
5.8 |
6.0 |
{w30}
|
Year |
2000 |
2001 |
2002 |
|
US Exports |
2.1 |
2.6 |
2.4 |
|
US Imports |
7.7 |
6.3 |
6.5 |
Exports by US farmers: $50 billion/ year (02P2). Comments: In 2004 the US became a net importer of food (in dollar units).
Exports by US manufacturers: almost $600 billion/ year (02P2).
In 2001, the US imported 97.3% of the 1.78 billion pairs of footwear sold in the US (Jim McKay, Pittsburgh Post Gazette (12/22/02). (In gci.html, Ed. 3)
Market Share of US High-Tech Industries in percent (US Council of Competitiveness data) (Wall Street Journal (1/28/91)) {w30}
|
Product~ |
1980 |
1988 |
|
Fiber Optics |
73 |
42 |
|
Semiconductors |
60 |
36 |
|
Supercomputers |
100 |
76 |
|
DRAMS |
56 |
20 |
|
Machine Tools |
18 |
7 |
Average Monthly US Imports and Exports (Billions of US dollars) (US Commerce Department Data) (Multiply by 12 to get annual figures) (Wall Street Journal (5/22/01)) (from a graph) {w35}
|
Year ~ |
1997 |
1998 |
1999 |
2000 |
|
Imports |
84 |
93 |
105 |
118 |
|
Exports |
77 |
77 |
80 |
86 |
Comments: Are these data for both goods and services?
During 1950-1993, the value of (US?) trade, in real (inflation-corrected) terms, has grown 6.5%/ year (Karen Pennar, Business Week (8/2/93)).
US Imports and Exports (trillions of US dollars) (US Department of Commerce data) (Wall Street Journal (5/24/02)) {w50}
|
Year |
1992 |
1994 |
1996 |
1997 |
1998 |
2000 |
2001 |
|
Imports |
0.65 |
0.80 |
0.95 |
1.01 |
1.10 |
1.43 |
1.35 |
|
Exports |
0.61 |
0.70 |
0.85 |
0.92 |
0.93 |
1.05 |
1.00 |
Comments: 1997 data are from Wall Street Journal (5/22/01).
Comments: Are these data for both goods and services?
US Exports as a percentage of GDP (adjusted for inflation) (US Commerce Department data) (from a chart) {w55}
|
Year |
1959 |
1964 |
1969 |
1974 |
1979 |
1984 |
1989 |
1992 |
|
Pct. |
3.7 |
4.6 |
4.7 |
7.2 |
7.5 |
7.4 |
9.5 |
11.5 |
Exports accounted for 11% of all US output in 1996 (Wall Street Journal (11/24/97)).
The US bought 18.7% of the world's exported goods in 2001, up from 14% in 1991 (02P1).
Cotton Production (US) and Exports (millions of 480-lb. bales) (National Cotton Council data) (from a plot): {w40}
|
Year |
1985 |
1988 |
1991 |
1994 |
|
Production |
13 |
15 |
17 |
20 |
|
Exports |
2 |
6 |
7 |
10 |
P.340 of "An Assessment of the Forest and Range Situation in the US" (1980) FS-345 has data on imports and exports of timber products during 1950-1977.
Intense competition from Canada and China has led to widespread plant closings and layoffs in the US furniture industry. Furniture imports to the US in the second quarter of 2002 were 71% higher than in 1999. Furniture imports now account for more than 40% of the US residential furniture market (02H1). Furniture making has become one of China's fastest-growing industries. In the first 7 months of 2002, exports rose 35% to $3.04 billion, outstripping growth of all other export commodities except high-tech products. China's furniture exports are poised to increase 30%/ year during the next 5-6 years (02H1).
US Imports and Exports with Japan (US Census Bureau Data) (from a plot in Wall Street Journal) (in billions of $US) {w30}
|
Imports |
30 |
70 |
93 |
120 |
|
Exports |
20 |
22 |
50 |
~54 |
Total Merchandise Trade Volume between the US and its North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) Partners in billions of $US (Wall Street Journal (7/20/99)) (from a bar-chart) {w40}
|
Year |
1994 |
1995 |
1996 |
1997 |
1998 |
|
Canada |
240 |
275 |
300 |
325 |
345 |
|
Mexico |
100 |
110 |
130 |
160 |
170 |
Sub-Part [Ab6] ~ JAPAN ~
Japan bought 5.5% of the world's exported goods in 2001, down from 6.5% in 1991 (02P1).
Sub-Part [Ab7] ~ EUROPE ~
Germany bought 7.7% of the world's exported goods in 2001, down from 10.7% in 1991 (02P1).
Sub-Part [Ab8] ~ ASIA SUB-CONTINENT ~
Exports of private U.S. services to India, in billions of dollars/ year (04H2) (from a graph) {w45}
|
Year |
1992 |
1994 |
1996 |
1998 |
2000 |
2002 |
|
Exports |
1.1 |
1.2 |
1.5 |
1.9 |
2.5 |
3.4 |
India's software exports have increased at a rate of 43%/ year over 1990-1994 (94C1).
Sub-Part [Ab9] ~ LATIN AMERICA ~
Mexican Exports of Confections to the US (in millions of US$) (from a chart) (US Department of Commerce data) (Joel Millman, Wall Street Journal (2/13/02)). {w45}
|
Year |
1996 |
1997 |
1998 |
1999 |
2000 |
2001 |
|
Exports |
55 |
73 |
91 |
121 |
123 |
150 |
Go to Top of Part 3-A-b -Mobility - Regional and National Data ~
Go to Table of Contents of this Chapter 3 - Mobility ~ Go to List of References ~ Go to Table of Contents of this document ~
Go to "Globalization: The Convergence Issue" ~ Go to Home Page of this entire website ~
SECTION [3-B] ~ PRIVATE CAPITAL FLOWS ~ [B0]~Global, [B1]~Developing Countries, [B2]~China, [B3]~United States, [B4]~Latin America, [B5]~Africa, [B6]~OECD Countries, ~
More than 40% of the imports into the US are from overseas subsidiaries of American companies (Louis Uchitelle, "Globalization: It's Not Just Wages", New York Times (6/17/05)).
Part [B0] ~ GLOBAL ~
Global foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows in 2004 are estimated to have risen by 6% to $612 billion (See table below). As in 2003, however, flows to developed countries slumped, but that decline was offset by rising flows to developing countries and Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). "This increase is good news for developing countries, which now account for an estimated 42% of world FDI inflows, compared to 27% during 2001-2003"(04U1).
The $321 billion flows to developed countries (See table below) marked a 16% drop from the previous yearŽs $380 billion. The US topped China ($121 billion), becoming again the world's largest recipient (04U1).
Inflows to developing countries in 2004 are estimated to have totaled $255 billion (See table below), up 48% from 2003 and a historic high. That increase was felt in each developing region (04U1).
The table below tabulated foreign direct Investment inflows in billions of US dollars (04U1). {w55}
|
Host region/ economy |
2001 |
2002(a) |
2003(a) |
2004(b) |
|
World |
818 |
631 |
580 |
612 |
|
Developed countries |
571 |
490 |
380 |
321 |
|
European Union |
357 |
374 |
308 |
165 |
|
~ ~ Belgium |
.. |
15 |
29 |
7 |
|
~ ~ France |
50 |
49 |
47 |
35 |
|
~ ~ Germany |
21 |
36 |
13 |
-49 |
|
~ ~ Ireland |
10 |
24 |
27 |
26 |
|
~ ~ Italy |
15 |
15 |
16 |
15 |
|
~ ~ Luxembourg |
.. |
117 |
92 |
52 |
|
~ ~ Portugal |
6 |
2 |
1 |
6 |
|
~ ~ Spain |
28 |
36 |
26 |
6 |
|
~ ~ United Kingdom |
53 |
28 |
21 |
55 |
|
~ Australia |
4 |
14 |
8 |
5 |
|
~ Canada |
27 |
21 |
7 |
12 |
|
~ Japan |
6 |
9 |
6 |
7 |
|
~ United States |
159 |
63 |
30 |
121 |
|
Developing Countries |
220 |
159 |
173 |
255 |
|
~ Africa |
20 |
12 |
15 |
20 |
|
~ Latin America/ Caribbean |
33 |
53 |
51 |
69 |
|
~ ~ Brazil |
22 |
17 |
10 |
16 |
|
~ ~ Chile |
4 |
2 |
3 |
6 |
|
~ ~ Mexico |
27 |
15 |
11 |
18 |
|
~ Asia and Pacific |
112 |
94 |
187 |
165 |
|
~ ~ China |
47 |
53 |
54 |
62 |
|
~ ~ Hong Kong, China |
24 |
10 |
14 |
33 |
|
~ ~ India |
3 |
3 |
4 |
6 |
|
~ ~ Korea, Republic of |
4 |
3 |
4 |
9 |
|
~ ~ Singapore |
15 |
6 |
11 |
21 |
|
Central +Eastern Europe |
26 |
31 |
27 |
36 |
|
~ ~ Czech Republic |
6 |
8 |
3 |
5 |
|
~ ~ Poland |
6 |
4 |
4 |
5 |
|
~ ~ Russian Federation |
2 |
3 |
7 |
10 |
Source: UNCTAD (www.unctad.org/fdistatistics) and UNCTAD's own estimates
~(a) Revised data
~(b) Preliminary estimates. See Note below.
~(c) The 8 CEE countries that acceded to the EU in 2004 are included under this heading.
Note: World FDI inflows are projected on the basis of 101 economies for which data are available for parts of 2004, as of 12/29/04. Data for most economies are estimated by annualizing their data from the first three quarters. The proportion of inflows to these economies in total inflows to their respective region or subregion in 2003 is used to extrapolate to the 2004 data for Africa, Asia and the Pacific and Central and Eastern Europe. For 2004, Latin America and the Caribbean is estimated by annualizing the data from the first three quarters for principal host economies and by replicating the 2003 data for the economies for which no data are available so far.
UNCTAD Handbook of Statistics 2002 (www.unctad.org/en/docs//tdstat27_enfr.pdf) (439 pp.) (2.55 MB)
UNCTAD Handbook of Statistics 2002 provides a comprehensive collection of statistical data relevant to the analysis of world trade, investment and development, for individual countries and for economic and trade groupings. Data are presented in an analytical way, through the use of rank orderings, growth rates and other special calculations, with a view to facilitate their interpretation. The Handbook is a valuable tool for research, policy-making and education, which can also be used in conjunction with the CD-ROM or the on-line version. The UNCTAD Handbook of Statistics 2002 offers to users reliable coherent data on the following subjects: International merchandise trade: values, trends and regional trade zones; Trade in services; Export and import structure by products and by regions of origin and destination, and related concentration indices; Volume and terms of trade indices; Commodity prices and relevant price indices; International financial data: current accounts, foreign direct investment, external indebtedness, workers' remittances, etc.; Selected indicators of development: GDP and various social and telecommunications indicators; In addition to the traditional broad coverage of development statistics, the 2002 edition offers several new data sets: Export/ import concentration indices by product; Diversification and structural change in trade indices; Instability indices of prices of primary commodities; Environment protection and tourism indicators. (This information is also in Section (3-B) - Private Capital Flows.)
World Investment Report 2003 ~ FDI Policies for Development: National and International Perspectives
Recognized worldwide as the most up-to-date and comprehensive source of information as well as analysis regarding foreign direct investments, the World Investment Report (WIR) highlights the major sectoral and geographical changes in the pattern of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) flows every year, with special attention being paid to developing countries. This year's report focuses on the FDI downturn, its reasons and the role of national policies and international investment agreements (IIAs) to attract FDI and benefit from it. The report includes a substantial statistical annex.
CONTENTS
PART I. FDI FALLS AGAIN - UNEVENLY
Chapter 1: FDI Down 21% Globally
Chapter 2: Uneven Performance Across Regions
PART II. ENHANCING THE DEVELOPMENT DIMENSION OF INTERNATIONAL INVESTMENT AGREEMENTS
Chapter 3: Key National FDI Policies and International Investment Agreements
Chapter 4: Eight Key Issues: National Experiences and International Approaches
Chapter 5: The Importance of National Policy Space
Chapter 6: Home Countries and Investors
ISBN: 9211125804 319 pp. $49.00
www.un.org/Pubs/whatsnew/e03wir.htm (visited 7/21/04)
Foreign Direct Investment Inflows, in Country Groups (in millions of US$) {w65}
|
Region ~ ~ ~ ~Year |
1998 |
1999 |
2000 |
2001 |
|
Total World |
694,457 |
1088,263 |
1491,934 |
**735,146 |
|
Developed countries |
484,239 |
837,761 |
1227,476 |
(1)503,144 |
|
Developing countries |
187,611 |
225,140 |
237,894 |
(2)204,801 |
|
Central/ East Europe |
22,608 |
25,363 |
26,563 |
(3) 27,200 |
|
Western Europe |
274,739 |
507,222 |
832,067 |
(4)336,210 |
|
~ European Union |
262,216 |
487,898 |
808,519 |
322,954 |
|
~ Other West Europe |
12,523 |
19,324 |
23,549 |
13,256 |
|
North America |
197,243 |
307,811 |
367,529 |
(5)151,900 |
|
United States |
174,434 |
283,376 |
300,912 |
##124,435 |
|
Other Developed Count |
12,257 |
22,728 |
27,880 |
(6) 15,034 |
|
Least (LDCs) |
3,948 |
5,428 |
3,704 |
3,838 |
|
Oil-exporting Countries |
14,442 |
5,461 |
3,510 |
6,557 |
|
Africa |
9,021 |
12,821 |
8,694 |
17,165 |
|
~ North Africa |
2,788 |
4,896 |
2,904 |
5,323 |
|
~ Other Africa |
6,233 |
7,925 |
5,790 |
11,841 |
|
Latin America/ Caribbean |
82,203 |
109,311 |
95,405 |
85,373 |
|
South America |
51,886 |
70,880 |
56,837 |
40,111 |
|
Other Latin Am./ Caribbean |
30,318 |
38,431 |
38,568 |
45,261 |
|
Asia/ Pacific |
96,387 |
103,008 |
133,795 |
102,264 |
|
Asia |
96,109 |
102,779 |
133,707 |
102,066 |
|
~ West Asia |
6,705 |
324 |
688 |
4,133 |
|
~ Central Asia |
3,152 |
2,466 |
1,895 |
3,569 |
|
~ S., E. & SE Asia |
86,252 |
99,990 |
131,123 |
94,365 |
|
The Pacific |
277 |
229 |
88 |
198 |
|
All developing countries |
143,860 |
184,821 |
197,122 |
157,955 |
---minus China
(** =(1)+(2)+(3)) Line(1)=(4)+(5)+(6) ## (103,400 in 1997)
Source: UNCTAD World Investment Report, 2002
Foreign Direct Investment outflows, in Country Groups (in millions of US$) {w70}
|
Region ~ ~ ~ Year |
1998 |
1999 |
2000 |
2001 |
|
Total World |
684,039 |
1042,051 |
1379,493 |
620,713 |
|
Developed countries |
633,070 |
967,557 |
1271,554 |
577,290 |
|
Developing countries |
48,574 |
272,130 |
104,031 |
40,129 |
|
Eastern Europe |
2,395 |
2,364 |
3,917 |
3,294 |
|
Western Europe |
436,413 |
754,443 |
1018,392 |
380,434 |
|
North America |
165,362 |
190,179 |
212,468 |
149,449 |
|
United States |
131,004 |
174,576 |
164,969 |
113,977 |
|
South America |
9,000 |
8,604 |
8,437 |
1,787 |
|
- -West Asia |
-1,262 |
1,660 |
1,262 |
1,090 |
|
- -Central Asia |
179 |
360 |
23 |
152 |
|
- -S., E. + SE Asia |
30,278 |
36,023 |
79,657 |
30,593 |
|
The Pacific |
63 |
88 |
36 |
62 |
Source: UNCTAD World Investment Report, 2002 (Table 6.2, pp. 274-281)
Regional Distribution of FDI Inflows and Outflows (in billions of US$) {w100}
|
Region |
FDI inflows |
||||||
|
Year |
1980 |
1990 |
1995 +1996 |
1997+1998 |
1999+2000 |
2001 |
#Cumulative |
|
Developed |
47 |
164 |
425 |
757 |
2068 |
510 |
3760 |
|
~ U.S. |
17 |
48 |
143 |
279 |
584 |
124 |
1130 |
|
Developing |
8 |
38 |
264 |
377 |
463 |
201 |
1305 |
|
E. Europe |
- |
1 |
27 |
38 |
48 |
24 |
137 |
|
World * |
55 |
203 |
717 |
1173 |
2580 |
735 |
5205 |
|
Region |
FDI outflows |
||||||
|
Developed |
51 |
217 |
640 |
1030 |
2239 |
577 |
4486 |
|
~ U.S. |
19 |
31 |
177 |
227 |
340 |
114 |
858 |
|
Developing |
2 |
17 |
109 |
121 |
176 |
40 |
446 |
|
E. Europe |
- |
- |
2 |
6 |
6 |
3 |
17 |
|
World * |
54 |
233 |
751 |
1158 |
2422 |
620 |
4951 |
# Cumulative (Col. 8) includes figures for 1995 through 2001 only.
* World totals include data from Eastern Europe that are not part of either developed- or developing countries.
Source: UNCTAD, Handbook of Statistics 2002, New York and Geneva (2002) 439 pp. 2.55 MB http://www.unctad.org/en/docs/tdstat27_enfr.pdf (visited 7/21/04).
Regional distribution of FDI inflows and outflows (in billions of US$) (03S5) {w70}
|
~ ~ |
FDI inflows |
FDI outflows |
||
|
Year |
1989 - 94 |
2000 |
1989- 94 |
2000 |
|
Developed countries |
137.1 |
1005.2 |
203.2 |
1046.3 |
|
~ EU |
76.6 |
617.3 |
105.2 |
772.9 |
|
~ Japan |
1.0 |
15.8 |
9.0 |
32.9 |
|
~ United States |
42.5 |
8.2 |
49.0 |
139.3 |
|
~ Other |
17.0 |
363.9 |
40.0 |
101.2 |
|
Developing countries |
59.6 |
240.2 |
24.9 |
99.5 |
|
~ Africa |
4.0 |
8.2 |
0.9 |
0.7 |
|
~ Latin Amer./Caribbean |
17.5 |
86.2 |
3.7 |
13.4 |
|
~ Asia |
37.9 |
143.8 |
20.3 |
85.3 |
|
~ Other |
0.2 |
2.0 |
0.0 |
0.1 |
|
~ Central / Eastern Europe |
3.4 |
25.4 |
0.1 |
4.0 |
|
World |
200.1 |
1270.8 |
228.3 |
1149.9 |
Source: UN, Promoting linkages. In World Investment Report. New York and Geneva (2001).
Comments: Note wide disparities between inflows in this table (Col. 3) and the UNCTAD table (Col. 4) above.
Between 1989/94 and 2000, global FDI inflows increased more than six-fold, from US$200 billion/ year to US$1270 billion/ year (01U2) (UN, 2001c). The growth in FDI exceeded by far the growth in trade flows. Between 1991-95 average growth rate of FDI was 21%/ year vs. 9% for exports of goods and non-factor services. Between 1996-99, FDI grew at 41%/ year and exports grew 2%/ year (03S5).
"Foreign Owners and Plant Survival", http://papers.nber.org/papers/w10039.pdf
In recent years, international capital flows of all types have increased dramatically and most governments have been actively encouraging inflows of FDI. However, concerns remain that reliance on foreign multinationals may be a risky development strategy as foreign firms are likely to be less rooted in the local economy and may be quicker to close down production. This paper asks whether foreign owners are more likely to close plants than domestic owners. In Indonesia, plants with any foreign ownership are far less likely to close than wholly-owned domestic plants. However, the lower probability of shutdown is a result of the larger size of foreign plants rather than their nationality of ownership. Controlling for plant size and productivity, the authors find that foreign plants are significantly more likely to close than comparable domestic establishments (NBER Working Paper No. w10039, PDF 430K
(October 2003)).
Private capital flows to emerging market economies (in billions of US$)
(Wall Street Journal (12/9/02)) (Source: Institute of International Finance) (from a chart) {w65}
|
Year |
1986 |
1987 |
1988 |
1989 |
1990 |
1991 |
1992 |
1993 |
1994 |
|
Amt. |
5 |
11 |
13 |
16 |
40 |
70 |
115 |
199 |
185 |
{w45}
|
Year |
1995 |
1996 |
1997 |
1998 |
2000 |
2001 |
|
Amt. |
225 |
330 |
260 |
145 |
190 |
120 |
Comments: 1997 was the year of the meltdown in Southeast Asia that produced a rapid withdrawal of foreign capital. (in gci.html)
Multinational corporations' turnover of goods and services in the last half of the 1980s totaled $44 trillion according to a UN report (Richard L. Holman, Wall Street Journal (7/15/94)).
Multi-national corporations numbered more than 35,000 in 1990 and totaled $225 billion in that year. (7000 in 1970; 60,000 in 2000 (02F2)) US multinational corporations invested mainly in Latin America, Japanese firms in Asia, and European concerns in Eastern Europe and Africa (Richard L. Holman, Wall Street Journal (7/15/94)).
Part [B1] ~ DEVELOPING COUNTRIES ~
42% of all US trade in goods, $950 billion in 2004, occurs between arms of the same companies, including US-based companies trading with their foreign divisions, as well as foreign companies trading with their US arms. Nearly 90% of US imports from Ireland are such "related party" trade, as are 74.6% from Singapore, 62.1% from Germany and 61.1% from Mexico. This helps to explain why the falling dollar, which has been falling for 3 years now, has had so little influence on the US trade deficit. Also, a growing share of related-party trade comes from developing regions such as China which enjoy a cost advantage that even a sharply falling dollar doesn't erase (Timothy Aeppel, "Dollar-Deficit Ties Go Awry", Wall Street Journal (5/31/05) p. A2).
Between 1991-96 Asia averaged $59.5 billion in foreign investment a year, compared with Latin America's $27 billion and Africa's $4.6 billion ("Latin America's Parallel Path", Africa News Service (2/4/05)).
Private capital flows to developing countries (cumulative-1991-2000) were $2.3 trillion in 2000 dollars (source: World Bank) (02F2).
Net Private Capital Flows to Developing Countries ($billions) (World Bank data of around 1997) (From a plot in Wall Street Journal of unknown date) {w50}
|
Year |
1990 |
1991 |
1992 |
1993 |
1994 |
1995 |
1996 |
|
Flow |
45 |
55 |
90 |
155 |
158 |
180 |
240 |
1996 recipients: China 52.0; Mexico 28.1; Indonesia 17.9; Malaysia 16.0; Brazil 14.7; Thailand 13.3.
US Direct Investment in ASEAN (in billions of US dollars) (Commerce Department data) (from a graph): {w50}
|
Year |
1990 |
1991 |
1992 |
1993 |
1994 |
|
Investment |
10.6 |
14. |
17. |
21. |
24.5 |
Part [B2] ~ China ~
China is attracting more than 2/3 of total foreign direct investments coming into East Asia (02W2).
"Round-Tripping and China's FDI Inflows: The Hong Kong Perspective"
http://www.adbi.org/PDF/cf030728/FDI%20roundtripping.pdf
There is no doubt that part of China's FDI inflows belongs to the return of Chinese capital flight. Hong Kong plays an important role in the process of this round tripping and in China's integration into the world economy. In the past two decades, about 40-60% of China's FDI inflows were from Hong Kong every year. In the extreme case and with a loose definition, China's round tripping FDI could be as large as 40-60% of the total. Paper presented by Geng Xiao of the University of Hong Kong at the FDI in Asia and Assessing the China Effect Inception Workshop in August 2003 (PDF).
China: An Emerging FDI Outward Investor
http://r0.unctad.org/en/subsites/dite/fdistats_files/pdfs/China_Researchnote.pdf
China is not just a magnet for FDI, but it is increasingly also a source of FDI, says UNCTAD in a research note dated December 4, 2003. The recent merger of the television and DVD operations of TCL (China) and Thomson (France), giving majority control to the former, highlights this trend. Average annual outward FDI flows have grown from $0.4 billion in the 1980s to $2.3 billion in the 1990s, contributing to an accumulated book value of at least $35 billion of Chinese outward FDI stock (on a balance-of-payments basis) at the end of 2002 (PDF).
In the past 2 decades, China has received well over $400 billion in foreign capital in direct investments (02L2).
Foreign direct investment in China is expected to reach $50 billion in 2002 (02L2).
Foreign investment in China is expected to hit a record $50 billion in 2002 (02L1).
Toshiba is building one of the world's biggest laptop factories in China, with 2003 output to be 750,000 units, and 2004 output to be 2.4 million -- the bulk of which is destined for export (02L1).
Motorola says its total investment in China will reach $10 billion within 4 years, up from $3.7 billion in 2002 (02L1).
Foreign investment in China over the past 2 decades: more than $600 billion. The introduction of modern manufacturing techniques was instrumental in promoting this flood (02L1).
Fed by over-investment, China has built up a glut of manufacturing capacity so huge that China could produce nearly twice what it does. The average Chinese factory uses less than 60% of its capacity. China sold $150 billion of goods abroad in 1996, almost as much as Malaysia, Thailand, the Philippines and Indonesia combined. Chinese unemployment is rising (Joseph Kahn, Wall Street Journal (7/14/97)). Comments: China has an essentially infinite supply of unskilled labor willing to work for $0.60/ hour. This is putting pressure on wages and economic conditions throughout the Far East and Southeast Asia.
Foreign direct investment in China in 2001 totaled $46.8 billion (UN Conference on Trade and Development data). The comparable figures declined in 2001 for South Korea, the Philippines and Malaysia. Taiwan stayed about the same, and Indonesia saw some divestment (02W1).
Number of Japanese Private Investment projects in China (from a plot) (Chinese government data). {w45}
|
Year |
1988 |
1989 |
1990 |
1991 |
1992 |
|
No. |
250 |
300 |
350 |
550 |
1800 |
Japanese Direct Investment in China (in billions of US dollars) (Japan's Ministry of Finance data) from a graph {w45}
|
Year |
1989 |
1990 |
1991 |
1992 |
1993 |
|
D.I. |
0.3 |
0.44 |
0.35 |
0.55 |
1.0 |
Note: 1993 data is an estimate.
Part [B3] ~ UNITED STATES ~
(Unknown) "Foreign Ownership of US Domestic Industries," http://www.economyincrisis.org/content/ownership, visited 2/16/07.
This data comes from the Internal Revenue Service, and is current as of 2002 (latest data available).
Foreign ownership refers to ownership of assets of a particular industry by foreign controlled domestic US Corporations (FDC) 50% or more owned by a foreign entity. {w70}
|
Industry |
Percentage |
|
Sound recording industries |
97% |
|
Commodity contracts dealing and brokerage |
79% |
|
Motion picture and sound recording industries |
75% |
|
Metal ore mining |
65% |
|
Motion picture and video industries |
64% |
|
Wineries and distilleries |
64% |
|
Database, directory, and other publishers |
63% |
|
Book publishers |
63% |
|
Cement, concrete, lime, and gypsum product |
62% |
|
Engine, turbine and power transmission equipment |
57% |
|
Rubber product |
53% |
|
Nonmetallic mineral product manufacturing |
53% |
|
Plastics and rubber products manufacturing |
52% |
|
Plastics product |
51% |
|
Other insurance related activities |
51% |
|
Boiler, tank, and shipping container |
50% |
|
Glass and glass product |
48% |
|
Coal mining |
48% |
|
Sugar and confectionery product |
48% |
|
Nonmetallic mineral mining and quarrying |
47% |
|
Advertising and related services |
41% |
|
Pharmaceutical and medicine |
40% |
|
Clay, refractory, and other nonmetallic mineral products |
40% |
|
Securities brokerage |
38% |
|
Other general purpose machinery |
37% |
|
Audio and video equipment mfg and reproducing magnetic and optical media |
36% |
|
Support activities for mining |
36% |
|
Soap, cleaning compound, and toilet preparation |
32% |
|
Chemical manufacturing |
30% |
|
Industrial machinery |
30% |
|
Securities, commodity contracts, and other financial investments and related activities |
30% |
|
Other food |
29% |
|
Motor vehicles and parts |
29% |
|
Machinery manufacturing |
28% |
|
Other electrical equipment and component |
28% |
|
Securities and commodity exchanges and other financial investment activities |
27% |
|
Architectural, engineering, and related services |
26% |
|
Credit card issuing and other consumer credit |
26% |
|
Petroleum refineries (including integrated) |
25% |
|
Navigational, measuring, electro-medical, and control instruments |
25% |
|
Petroleum and coal products manufacturing |
25% |
|
Transportation equipment manufacturing |
25% |
|
Commercial and service industry machinery |
25% |
|
Basic chemical |
24% |
|
Investment banking and securities dealing |
24% |
|
Semiconductor and other electronic component |
23% |
|
Paint, coating, and adhesive. |
22% |
|
Printing and related support activities |
21% |
|
Chemical product and preparation |
20% |
|
Iron, steel mills, and steel products |
20% |
|
Agriculture, construction, and mining machinery |
20% |
|
Publishing industries |
20% |
|
Medical equipment and supplies |
20% |
FOREIGN OWNERSHIP OF MAJOR U.S. INDUSTRIES {w45}
|
Industry |
Percentage |
|
Mining |
27% |
|
Information |
24% |
|
Manufacturing |
20% |
|
Professional, scientific, technical services |
20% |
|
Finance and insurance |
11% |
Deal values of acquisitions of U.S. companies by companies from emerging markets between 1997 and 8/5/05 (Amounts are in billions of US$) (Source: Bank of America) (05H3). {w75}
|
Israel |
$12.7 |
Mexico |
$11.2 |
Brazil |
$7.8 |
Singapore |
$6.5 |
Hong Kong |
$5.0 |
|
Bahrain |
$ 3.2 |
Hungary |
$ 2.5 |
China |
$1.8 |
Saudi Arabia |
$1.3 |
Taiwan |
$1.2 |
During the first 7 months of 2005, companies from less-advanced economies were behind 70 deals to buy US companies with a total value of $10+ billion. Those 70 deals accounted for less than 2% of all acquisitions during that period. The 70 deals reflect one effect of a current account surplus with the rest of the world that is expected to hit $300 billion in 2005. Those deals also reflect a desire by foreign companies to get closer to US customers and to get access to financial markets (05H3).
Bank of America projects that developing countries will spend about $16 billion in 2005 on acquisitions in the US; this is up from $12.8 billion in 2004 (05H3).
Foreign Direct Investment in the US: Detail for Historical-Cost Position and Related Capital and Income Flows, 2003
http://www.bea.gov/bea/ARTICLES/2004/09September/0904_FDIUS.pdf
Detailed estimates of the direct investment position and international transactions by industry and by country are presented in this report by the US Bureau of Economic Analysis. These estimates show the composition of investment by foreign companies in the United States (9/04, PDF).12 Oct 2004
The abstract of a new study from Deloitte Research suggests that the globalization of U.S. manufacturing is at a crossroads. Developed markets continue to get an ever-larger share of investments, now standing at nearly 84% and up from 61% in 2000. While investments into developed markets of Western Europe, Canada, and Asia-Pacific have remained steady for the last 4 years, investments into emerging, low-cost locations in developing economies have dropped more than 80%. For example, US manufacturing FDI into China fell to US$500 million in 2002, down nearly 70% from US$1.6 billion in 2001 6/08/04 (04D3). (in gci.html)
A survey of North American electronics executives indicates that the percentage of North American electronics companies with global scope will more than double by 1998 to 34% of the total, vs. 13% in 1993. Those with solely domestic operations are projected to drop to 9% from 17% (Kyle Pope, Wall Street Journal (3/30/93)).
Foreign Direct Investment in the US (in billions of US$) (from a graph) (Commerce Department data) {w65}
|
Year |
1978 |
1980 |
1982 |
1984 |
1986 |
1988 |
1990 |
1992 |
|
D.I. |
7. |
16. |
12. |
24. |
36. |
57. |
45. |
-4. |
New Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) into the US totaled $82 billion in 2003, over twice the amount for 2002 (Organization for International Investments, http://www.ofii.org visited (7/20/04)).
Foreign investment in the US totaled $47.244 billion in 1994, and $26.299 billion in 1993 (Pittsburgh Post Gazette (6/9/95)) (US Commerce Department data).
Of US-owned firms' total production abroad, it is estimated that 11% goes to the US market, and 25% of that (less than 3% of the total) comes from non-industrialized countries. Further, foreign direct investments appear to have a positive, rather than a negative, effect on exports from the parent-company country (95W1).
New FDI into the US totaled $82 billion in 2003, over twice the FDI into the US in 2002 (Organization for International Investments http://www.ofii.org/ (visited 7/20/04).
US Foreign Investment (in billions of US dollars) (from a chart) (data of UN Conference on Trade and Development) (Wall Street Journal (12/6/95)) {w50}
|
Year |
1988 |
1989 |
1990 |
1991 |
1992 |
1993 |
|
F.I. |
12.5 |
35. |
27. |
33. |
40. |
70. |
Foreign-direct Investment in the US in billions of $US (data of Edward Yardeni, C. J. Lawrence) (from a plot) {w60}
|
Year |
1980 |
1982 |
1984 |
1986 |
1988 |
1990 |
1992 |
1994 |
|
Investment |
18 |
20 |
19 |
20 |
55 |
55 |
12 |
30 |
Part [B4] ~ LATIN AMERICA ~
In recent years, Latin American banking sectors have experienced an accelerated process of concentration and foreign penetration that has prompted diverse views regarding its implications for the competitive behavior of banks and for the financial stability of the system as a whole. Exploiting a rich bank-level balance sheet database for eight Latin American countries, the authors examine the evolution of concentration and foreign penetration indicators and their impact on competition and risk. The authors found that, while concentration did not reduce competition in the industry, foreign penetration appears to have led to less competitive banking sectors. Moreover, the authors find banking sector fragility to be positively related to competition and, through this channel, negatively related to foreign participation, despite the fact that foreign banks in the region are associated with higher insolvency risk due to higher leverage ratios and more volatile returns (03Y1).
Positive Signs of Economic Growth in Latin America and the Caribbean
http://www.eclac.org/prensa/noticias/comunicados/5/13865/BP_2003_pp.pdf
Presentation by the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) Executive Secretary José Luis Machinea, based on the ECLAC report titled Preliminary Overview of the Economies of Latin America and the Caribbean 2003. The report indicates that FDI (inward) flows fell again, to US$29 billion in 2003, much lower than the 1990-2002 average of US$38 billion and down 25% from 2002. The importance of migrants' remittances (US$33 billion) representing a significant contribution to foreign resources in Mexico and Central America (in Spanish, December 2003, PDF, 270K).
Foreign direct investment in Latin America: $105 billion in 1999; $80 billion in 2001 (02F1).
US Direct Investment to Latin America (in billions of $US) (US Commerce Department data) (from a chart) {w55}
|
Year |
1982 |
1984 |
1986 |
1988 |
1990 |
1992 |
1994 |
|
D.I. |
~3 |
0.5 |
1.5 |
2.0 |
4.5 |
5.5 |
12. |
Total Private Capital Flows to Latin America (in billions of US dollars) (Wall Street Journal (1/6/95)) (From a chart) {w45}
|
Year |
1989 |
1990 |
1991 |
1992 |
1993 |
|
Flow |
2 |
11 |
23 |
28 |
57 |
Part [B5] ~ AFRICA ~
In sub-Saharan Africa an average of 75% of FDI profits have been repatriated between 1991-97 (99I1) (IMF).
The catalyst for the East Asian financial crisis in 1996 was a huge outflow of funds, as commercial banks and institutional investors called in loans. The resulting losses were equivalent to more than 10% of GDP for some countries (based on data in IMF, 1999) (99I1). FDI remained constant throughout 1991-1997.
Part [B6] ~ O.E.C.D. COUNTRIES ~
(There are 30 member nations in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD).)
Global capital flows returned to developing markets in 2004 and 2005. FDI flows began to expand again in 2004 after three consecutive years of decline. FDI flows to emerging markets increased by 40% in 2004 to US$233 billion, the second highest level on record. Asia remains the top destination for FDI flows to developing regions, with China itself accounting for almost 10% of all global inflows. FDI flows to Latin America and the Caribbean rebounded sharply in 2004 after four years of decline, led by Mexico and Brazil (05E1).
Canada has experienced one of the world's largest increases in FDI outflows in recent years, as well as significant growth in its 2005 FDI inflows. Canada is expected to remain a net exporter of FDI in 2005 and in 2006. In 2004, Canada's outflows more than doubled to 62 billion Canadian dollars and while a repeat is not expected, data through the third quarter of 2005 indicate that outflows are on track to reach an impressive CAD40 billion for the year. While the U.S. has remained the dominant destination for Canadian outflows, there has been increasing diversification to other markets in recent years. FDI inflows to Canada for 2005 stand at CAD26.1 billion though the third quarter, a substantial increase from the 8.2 billion Canadian dollars attracted in 2004. Global GDP growth reached its peak in 2004 at 5.1% (05E1).
Go to Top of this Section (3-B) ~ Mobility - Private Capital Flows ~
Go to Table of Contents of this Chapter 3 ~ Mobility ~ Go to List of References ~ Go to Table of Contents of this document
~ Go to "Globalization: The Convergence Issue" ~ Go to Home Page of this entire website ~
SECTION (3-C) ~ OCEAN SHIPPING and HIGHWAYS ~
China has more than 15,000 highway projects in the works, which will add about 100,000 miles of road (Li Yuan, Paul Glader, Wall Street Journal (9/27/04) p. R4.).
In China, container trucks zip along modern superhighways to high-tech ports where cargo is loaded onto ships 24 hours per day (02I1).
Ocean shippers are introducing the first 1000-ft. freighters. Mega-ships have reduced shipping rates between Asia and North America more than 15% since 1990. (Wall Street Journal (6/24/97)).
In 1996, 38% of fruits, and 12% of vegetables eaten in the US came from abroad, double the 1986 level. (Wall Street Journal (10/3/97)).
US Freight Transportation (rail, truck, sea) as a percent of GDP (Wall Street Journal (6/24/97)) (from a graph) {w60}
|
Year |
1980 |
1982 |
1984 |
1986 |
1988 |
1990 |
1992 |
1994 |
1996 |
|
Pct. |
7.6 |
7.6 |
6.6 |
6.3 |
6.3 |
6.8 |
6.3 |
6.1 |
6.0 |
Go to Table of Contents of Chapter 3 ~ Mobility ~
SECTION (3-D) ~ TRADE DEFICITS, CURRENT ACCOUNT DEFICITS AND SURPLUSES ~ [Da]~US Data~, [Db]~Non-US Data~,
The US recently changed from importing more manufactured goods from advanced economies to importing more manufactured goods from the developing world.
Imports of manufactured goods from the developing world grew from 2.5% of the US GDP in 1990 to 6.0% in 2006 (07K2).
The original "newly industrialized economies" (South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore) paid wages that were about 25% of US levels in 1990. Since then, the sources of US imports have shifted to Mexico, where wages were 11% of US wage levels and to China where wages were 3-4% of US wage levels (in 2006) (07K2).
Krugman notes that the highly educated US workers who clearly benefit from the growing trade with developing world economies are a minority, greatly outnumbered by those who probably lose. He proposes responding to this problem by doing things like strengthening the social safety net (07K2).
Part [Da] ~ US DATA ~
NOTE: Data on Current Account Deficits is given near the bottom of this section, immediately following data on trade deficits.
Some US Trade deficits in 2006:
With China - $232.5 billion: Japan - $88.4 billion: Mexico - 64.1 billion (US Commerce Department data (2/13/07))
As of June 2006 the US owed Japan $635.3 billion, China $327.7 billion, and England $201.4 billion. These and other countries now finance nearly 100% of the new debts, wars, tax cuts, social programs and infrastructure of the US (07H1).
Japan and China have each accumulated about $1 trillion dollars of currency reserves through their balance of trade surplus with the US (07H1).
Between 1997 and 2005, 111 of the 114 key U.S.-based industries lost domestic market share to foreign-produced goods. During 2004 and 2005, import penetration rose for 83 of these sectors and fell for 31. Between 1997 and 2005, 26 of the 114 industries (in the recent study by the US Business and Industry Council) saw their home market share shrink by 50% or more, including pharmaceuticals, computers, telecommunications hardware, navigation- and guidance equipment, broadcasting- and wireless communications equipment and motor-vehicle power train and transmission equipment (07T1). Eight more industrial sectors experienced market share losses of nearly 50% during this period, including tires, switchgear and switchboard apparatus, and commercial and service industry machinery. As a result, by 2005, imports represented at least 50% to 59% of sales in the US of 24 of the industries studied, including telecommunications hardware, heavy-duty trucks and chassis, and broadcast and wireless communications gear (07T1). In 8 more industries, imports have captured 60-69% of the US market, including autos, environmental controls and aircraft engines and engine parts. And in 6 sectors, imports control 70% or more of the American market, including machine tools (07T1). If current trends continue, imports will account for the majority of US domestic sales in sectors such as electric measuring and test equipment, X-ray equipment, turbines and turbine generator sets, laboratory instruments and construction machinery (07T1).
Between 1997 and 2005, output fell in nearly 2/3 of the 53 industries where import penetration is highest or grew fastest, and stagnated in many of the rest (07T1).
US National Debt: $9.4 trillion as of 5/15/08 ($31,000/ person) (08O1).
See http://www.treasurydirect.gov Scan to "GOVERNMENT" Click on "Monthly Statement on the Public Debt"
At the start of the Johnson term 6/30/63 federal debt was $317 billion.
At the end of the Johnson term 6/30/69 federal debt was $$354 billion.
Federal debt continued to rise during the 12 years of Nixon, Ford and Carter but fell as a % of GDP.
Ronald Reagan inherited a debt of less than $1 trillion, but nearly tripled it in 8 years.
By the time Bill Clinton took office in 1993 after 12 years of Republicans in the White House, America's debt had more than quadrupled and was no longer shrinking as a percent of GDP.
During Clinton's term in the White House, national debt increased from $4.1 trillion to nearly $5.7 trillion (08O1).
According to the article, Fed. Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan has intimated that the US can't expand its borrowing forever. In the nightmare scenario, foreigners would pull their money out, causing the dollar to sink and stock markets to plunge. Americans would have to pay higher interest rates, and the US economy would lurch to a halt (Wall Street Journal (4/22/02)).
Warren Buffet, the legendary investor, said that the US is destined to become, not an "ownership society" but a "sharecropper society" (05G2). (in Section (3-B) of gci.html)
The net foreign indebtedness of the US is now more than 25% of the US GDP. At the current rate it will reach 50% in 4-5 years (05G2). (in Section (3-B) of gci.html). Comments: Net Foreign indebtedness also includes external borrowing to finance the Federal budget deficit.
US Auto Trade Deficit (Vehicles + parts) (in billions of $US) (US Census Bureau data) {w20}
|
Year |
1990 |
1994 |
|
Deficit |
31 |
36 |
The US imported $725.8 billion more in goods and services than it exported in 2005 (nearly $2 trillion in imports vs. $1.27 trillion in exports). The 2005 US trade deficit is up 17.5% over 2004, and is 5.8% of the 2005 GDP (06B1). (in gci.html Sect. (1-C), credited it to the US Commerce Department.)
The US trade deficit (a record $726 billion in 2005) and the federal budget deficit ($319 billion in 2005) are financed by foreign lenders, manly central banks in Asia and offshore hedge funds (06U2).
Congress helped to prop up the US dollar in 2005 by offering a one-time tax break that induced many American companies to convert their foreign earnings into hundreds of billions of US dollars. That tax break has now expired for most companies (06U2).
For the past few years the US economy has overcome the drag of big deficits, mainly because the housing boom let Americans borrow and spend, despite stagnant wages. But that boom appears to be moderating, a slowdown that will only worsen if American foreign indebtedness leads to sustained downward pressure on the dollar and upward pressure on interest rates (06U2).
China recently stated its intentions to invest more of the dollars it earns from its trade surplus with the U.S. in other currencies (06U2). (paragraph in Section (3-B) of gci.html and gcir.html as (06U2))
The US trade deficit in 10/2004 was $55.46 billion. For the year to date, the US accumulated trade gap was $500.46 billion (Greg Hitt and Michael Schroeder, "Trade Gap Swells on Oil Price Rise, Chinese Imports", Wall Street Journal (12/15/04) p. A2).
(EDITORIAL: "No Bang for Our Cheap Buck", New York Times (12/15/04))
The Bush administration's de facto weak-dollar policy - its preferred "cure" for the US trade deficit
- is not working. Yesterday's trade deficit report shows that imports outpaced exports by a record $55.5 billion in October. The imbalance was worse than the gloomiest expectations.
So far, the Bush administration has been hoping that the weaker dollar will raise the price of imports, leading American consumers to buy less from abroad, and will at the same time make our exports cheaper so foreigners will buy more American goods. That's supposed to shrink the trade deficit and, with it, America's need to attract nearly $2 billion each day from abroad to balance its books.
The US dollar has been declining since February 2002. In December of 2004 it was down by 55% against the euro and 22% against the yen. But even then, US imports continue to rise faster than US exports. (in gci.html)
According to yesterday's report, imports were some 50% greater than exports in October. Much of October's import growth was caused by high oil prices, which have since subsided. But that's no reason to shrug off the disturbing evidence of the weak dollar's failure to fix the trade gap (EDITORIAL: "No Bang for Our Cheap Buck", New York Times (12/15/04)).
As the American economy heads for higher global imbalances, the need to borrow from abroad grows. And the more we borrow, the weaker the dollar becomes. That's because the markets that set the value of freely traded currencies, like the dollar and the euro, punish indebted nations by pushing down their currencies. The US, by any measure - trade, the federal budget, and personal consumption - is by far the world's biggest debtor. The need to borrow in the face of an already weak dollar portends higher prices and higher interest rates (EDITORIAL: "No Bang for Our Cheap Buck", New York Times (12/15/04)).
The US is even running a $4.2 billion (annual?) trade deficit in food products, mainly due to a surge in imported meat, and falling sales of US meat and soy beans (04K1).
US exports of goods and services in September of 2004 were $97.5 billion, compared with US imports of goods and services of $149 billion (04K1). This suggests a 2004 US trade deficit of $151.1 billion.
The US trade deficit is on pace to swell by nearly a third in 2004 and to top $630 billion (04K1).
In 2003, the $133 billion US oil import bill accounted for roughly 30% of the overall US trade deficit. This was about the same size as the US bilateral trade deficit with China. In 2004 the oil import bill is expected to reach $146 billion (04S2).
The $54 billion US trade deficit in August of 2004 imply a current accounts deficit (a wide measure of trade in goods and services plus certain financial transfers) has widened to about 6.3% of the US GDP from 5% around August of 2003 -- a level that economists found troubling (04S2). The US relies on foreigners to finance the current accounts deficit, so if they balk, it could mean a weaker dollar, higher interest rates or both (04S2).
US Consumption produced abroad, 1979-80 (Seymour Melman, "The High-Tech Dream won't come true", INC, (August 1984)) {w45}
|
Product |
% |
|
Automobiles |
27 |
|
Machine tools |
25 (42% in 1982) |
|
Steel mill products |
15 |
|
Hand-held calculators |
47 |
|
Desktop calculators |
39 |
|
Microwave ovens |
22 |
|
Communications systems/equip. |
16 |
|
Integrated circuits |
34 |
|
X-ray+ other irradiation equip. |
24 |
|
Movie cameras (1977) |
74 |
|
B & W television sets |
87 |
|
Sewing machines (1978) |
51 |
|
Office dictating machines |
100 |
|
Bicycles |
22 |
|
Apparel |
20 |
|
Leather gloves |
37 |
|
Footwear |
45 |
|
Flatware |
50 |
US Trade Deficit ($billions) (from a chart) (Commerce Department data) {w70}
|
Year |
1980 |
1981 |
1982 |
1983 |
1984 |
1985 |
1986 |
1987 |
1988 |
1989 |
|
Amount |
20 |
15 |
25 |
55 |
110 |
125 |
140 |
152 |
115 |
95 |
{w70}
|
Year |
1990 |
1991 |
1992 |
1993 |
1994 |
1995 |
1996 |
1997 |
1998 |
1999 |
|
Amount |
80 |
30 |
35 |
70 |
100 |
100 |
101 |
105 |
165 |
260 |
{w25}
|
Year |
2000 |
2001 |
2002 |
|
Amount |
379 |
358 |
435 |
Comments: Does this deficit include both merchandise and services? YES (See below.)
The US showed a farm trade deficit for the second time on record in 2002. Normally the US shows a big surplus in farm trade (03U1).
Major US trade deficits in 2002: $103.1 with China, $70.1 with Japan (03U1).
US trade deficit in 2000: $378.6 billion (03U1).
US trade deficit in 2001: $358.3 billion ($427.2 billion in manufactured goods - Services surplus of $68.9 billion) (03U1).
US trade deficit in 2002: $435.2 billion ($484.4 billion in manufactured goods - Services surplus of $49.1 billion) (03U1).
US trade deficit In 2003 489.9 billion (an all-time high) (04A1) (to gci.html).
January 2004 US trade deficit was
$43.1 billion (04A1).
US trade deficit in 2004 (June) $55 billion (a record), $54 billion in August 2004 (04S2).
The US Commerce Department reported that the US trade deficit for 1999 was the largest ever - $271.3 billion, $100 billion more than the record set in 1998. The largest single chunk, $73.9 billion, was in US trade with China (00K1).
US trade deficit is set to surpass $450 billion in 2000. US trade in services now tops $250 billion/year runs a surplus of $80 billion. Worldwide, cross-border sales of services are around $1.3 trillion (Wall Street Journal (12/04/00)).
US trade deficit with "industrializing" countries has increased rapidly, but it is still under 1% of the US GDP (95W1). Comments: The US total trade deficit is on the order of $400 billion/ year, and US GDP in 1997 was $7.8 trillion. 1% of that is $78 billion. So apparently over $322 billion/ year is the US trade deficit with developed nations. The total GDP of the entire developed world in 1997 was $24.8 trillion ("World Resources 2000-2001", p. 303).
Annual US Trade Deficit in Goods and Services (from a chart) (Wall Street Journal (3/2/99))
(US Commerce Department data) {w55}
|
Year |
1992 |
1993 |
1994 |
1995 |
1996 |
1997 |
1998 |
|
$billions |
40 |
70 |
100 |
100 |
105 |
107 |
165 |
US Current-Account deficit in the first quarter of 2005 was $195.1 billion, vs. $188.4 billion in the fourth quarter of 2004 (Commerce Department data). Analysts predicted that the 2005 deficit could reach $780, a 17% jump from 2004. All this is in spite of the dollar having fallen by about 15% since early 2002 (Jeff Bater, "Current-Account Gap Widens Despite Gradual Slide of Dollar", Wall Street Journal (6/20/05) p. A2).
The US current-account deficit ballooned to a record $665.9 billion in 2004 - 6.3% of the GDP (vs. 4.8% in 2003) (Michael M. Phillips, "U.S. Trade Deficit Hits a Record $665.9 billion", Wall Street Journal (3/17/05) p. A2.). (in gci.html)
In 2001 the US purchased $83 billion worth of Chinese goods than China purchased of US goods (02I1).
The estimated 2000 current-account deficit of the US is projected to hit $425 billion. Only problems with the yen and euro keep the dollar from being under pressure. The current-account deficit has quadrupled since the mid-1990s (Michael M. Phillips and Nicholas Kulish, Wall Street Journal (9/14/00)).
In the first three months of 2000 the current accounts deficit of the US (the broadest measure of the trade imbalance) surpassed 4% of its GDP for the first time. According to Merrill Lynch projections, that gap will measure $411 billion for all of 2000, 24% wider than 1999's deficit, and 4.2% of the overall economy (A trade deficit indicates that a country imports more than it exports, and borrows abroad to cover the difference.) A study by Catherine L. Mann (Inst. For Int'l Economics) examined Canada, Australia, Finland and 7 other economically advanced nations with big trade deficits during the past two decades. She found that, on average, the current-account gap hit its limit at 4.2% of GDP. Deutsche Bank Research warned that capital flows into the US could dry up, causing the US dollar to drop, interest rates to increase, and the stock market to dive. A sustained drop in the US stock market could precipitate such a downward spiral. The scenario seems similar to the events that occurred during the financial distress of the early 1990s (00P1).
For all of 2000, the US current account deficit hit a record of $444.7 billion, prompting concern among economists that, unless the imbalance began to shrink, the US could begin to have serious problems attracting the foreign capital needed to finance such a huge deficit (Pittsburgh Post Gazette (12/13/01)).
A "current account deficit" must, as a matter of accounting arithmetic, equal the difference between national savings and our domestic investment (95W1).
US Current Account Deficit, in billions of dollars (Datastream International data) (from a chart) {w40}
|
Year |
1987 |
1989 |
1991 |
1993 |
1995 |
1997 |
|
Deficit |
170 |
105 |
~5 |
90 |
130 |
160 |
The Bush administration has views quite different from most economists. According to John Taylor, the Treasury Department's undersecretary for International Affairs, the current-account deficit "is reflective of good investment opportunities in the US, and the effects on financial markets are not a concern" (02P1). (The current account includes goods and services, income, charitable contributions and foreign aid. It is the broadest measure of international trade (02P1).)
US Current Accounts Deficit in billions of US $ and as a pct. of the GDP (from a chart) (US Commerce Department data) (Wall Street Journal (4/22/02)) {w45}
|
Year |
1991 |
1993 |
1995 |
1997 |
1999 |
2001 |
|
$billions |
-10 |
~80 |
120 |
140 |
320 |
410 |
|
Percent |
0. |
1.0 |
1.5 |
1.6 |
4.5 |
4.2 |
In mid-September, 2002, the US Commerce Department announced that, for the first time, the US current-account deficit surpassed 5% of domestic economic output. New IMF research suggests that if this deficit exceeds 4% of output, it puts the country in danger of triggering a sequence of exchange-rate and interest-rate problems (02P1).
US Current Account Deficit *# (from a plot) (Wall Street Journal (12/15/99)) (Commerce Department data) (in $billions/ quarter -- multiply by 4 to get the annual current account deficit) {w40}
|
Year |
1995 |
1996 |
1997 |
1998 |
1999 |
|
Deficit |
~27 |
~29 |
~36 |
~50 |
~80 |
Note: 1999 excludes Q4 data)
*# The current account measures not only trade in goods and services, but also investment flows and spending on foreign aid.
Go to top of This Part ~ (Da) ~ Trade Deficits, Current Account Deficits and Surpluses - US Data ~
Go to top of this Section ~ (D) ~ Trade Deficits, Current Account Deficits and Surpluses ~
Go to top of this Chapter ~ (3) ~ Mobility ~ Go to List of References ~ Go to Table of Contents of this document
~
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Part [Db] ~ NON-US DATA ~
Eurostat said the 15 euro nations posted a trade deficit of euro 0.1 billion ($0.15 billion) in June 2008, vs. May's trade deficit of euro3.9 billion ($5.74 billion). The euro-zone's energy import bill in the first five months of 2008 hit euro155 billion ($228 billion) - a 39% increase on January-May 2007. Overall, EU exports from January to May 2008 grew 8% from Aug. 2007 but this masks a 4% drop with its second-biggest foreign market, the US. Trade with Britain, the euro-zone's No. 1 trade partner, grew 2% during the same period as the British economy slowed. Euro countries trade with China was up 15%. Trade with Russia increased 22%. Imports from Russia rose 23%, as oil and natural gas prices surged ((Unknown) "EU: Trade deficit close to balance: AP" (08/18/08)). Comments: These trade deficits are negligible relative to those of the US, which are typically in the tens of billions of dollars per month.
Western Europe, whatever its problems, manages economic policy to maintain modest trade surpluses (05G2). (in Section (3-B) of gci.html)
One of the most important changes that affected the overall agricultural trade balance of developing countries
was the rapid growth in their imports of temperate-zone commodities. Net imports in this product category increased by a factor of 13 over the last 40 years, rising from a minor deficit of US$1.7 billion in 1961/63 to US$24 billion in 1997/99 (Table 9.1in Section (3-A-a)). These figures are in current US$ (03S4).
One crucial issue in this context is whether and to what extent developing countries would be able to expand their production and exports if policy distortions, particularly those imposed by OECD countries, were to be removed. Would the removal of distortions change developing countries' net trade position? Numerous studies suggest that this is unlikely to be the case. Instead, there is wide agreement that the limiting effect of agro-ecological constraints often outweighs the effects of policy distortions. In fact, a removal of OECD subsidies would largely result in a shift in market shares from subsidized to unsubsidized producers within the group of OECD countries. Only a few developing countries with additional production capacity for temperate-zone commodities, such as Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay or Thailand would expand their net export positions (00F1) (FAO, 2000e, p. 27-28). The majority of developing countries, however, would not shift from net importers to net exporters. Where the responsiveness of agricultural supply is particularly low (as in many LDCs) and where nonagricultural protection remains high, countries will experience higher food-import bills and a deterioration of their terms of trade (03S4).
Tropical commodities are mainly produced in developing countries, but primarily consumed in OECD countries, e.g. coffee, cocoa or rubber for which developing countries have been increasing output substantially over the past decades. Developed countries' import markets for these commodities have become increasingly saturated.
Wages for coffee bean pickers fell along with prices for coffee to below US$1-2 per day in many African and Latin American countries. Oxfam has documented such impacts on wages and rural poverty in a number of case studies for the United Republic of Tanzania and Mexico (01O1) (Oxfam).
At the completion of the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations, the Agreement on Agriculture was hailed as an important first step towards the fundamental reform of the international trading system for agriculture. Since then, however, many countries have been disappointed by the modest benefits deriving from it. Indeed, some observers argue that the Agreement on Agriculture may have "institutionalized" the production- and trade-distorting (subsidy) policies of OECD countries without addressing fundamental concerns of developing countries (02G2) (Green and Priyadarshi, 2002).
The 49 LDCs (Less-Developed Countries) agricultural trade deficit has increased so rapidly that, by the end of the 1990s, agricultural imports were more than twice as high as exports (Figure 9.2 - in Section (3-A-a)) (03S4).
Mexico ran a trade surplus of $15 billion in 1999 and $10 billion during the first six months of 2000 (Joel Millman, Wall Street Journal (8/7/00)).
Mexico's purchase of US consumer goods accounts for 11% of Mexico's US imports. The other 89% comes from capital goods being imported into Mexico to create products for export (Owen Bieber, Letter to the Editor, Pittsburgh Post Gazette (10/03/93)).
In the period Oct. 1998 - Oct. 2003 China built more than 30 factories to produce custom wheels for cars, trucks and other vehicles. These factories produce more products that the entire North American market consumes. As a result, prices have fallen 20-50%, forcing many US producers to go out of business or become shell companies, outsourcing all of their production to Chinese factories (03A1). (in gci.html)
US Trade with China in billions of dollars (US Department of Commerce data) (from a chart) {w45}
|
Year ~ |
1987 |
1988 |
1989 |
1990 |
1991 |
|
Imports |
6.5 |
8.0 |
12. |
15.2 |
18.5 |
|
Exports |
3.0 |
5.0 |
5.5 |
4.7 |
6.0 |
China's Annual Percent Change in GDP and Trade Surplus ($billions) (Citibank data) (from charts) {w45}
|
Year |
1992 |
1993 |
1994 |
1995 |
1996 |
1997 |
1998 |
|
GDP |
14.1 |
13.5 |
12.5 |
10.3 |
9.5 |
8.6 |
7.4 |
|
T.S. |
3. |
-12. |
5. |
16. |
12. |
40. |
30. |
Japan's Merchandise Trade Balance with the US on a Balance of Payments Basis ($billions) (US Commerce Dept. data) (copied from a Wall Street Journal plot of unknown date) {w70}
|
Year |
1987 |
1988 |
1989 |
1990 |
1991 |
1992 |
1993 |
1994 |
1995 |
1996 |
|
Amt. |
57 |
53 |
50 |
43 |
45 |
50 |
60 |
66 |
60 |
48 |
Annual US Total Trade Deficit, and the Trade Deficit with Asia ($billion) (Wall Street Journal (12/18/98)) (from a graph) {w75}
|
Year |
1988 |
1989 |
1990 |
1991 |
1992 |
1993 |
1994 |
1995 |
1996 |
1997 |
1998 |
|
Total |
130 |
110 |
100 |
80 |
75 |
100 |
130 |
160 |
160 |
180 |
210 |
|
Asia* |
90 |
90 |
80 |
75 |
80 |
95 |
110 |
125 |
115 |
120 |
150 |
* Japan, China, Hong Kong, Korea, Singapore, Taiwan, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Thailand
Go to Top of this Section (3-D) ~ Trade Deficits, Current Account Deficits and Surpluses ~
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SECTION [3-E] ~ HUMAN MOBILITY (IMMIGRATION) ~
In Australia, more than 30,000 so-called "457" business visas were issued in 2005 - up from about 19,500 in 2001-02. It is believed that up to 37,000 such visas may be approved in 2006. The "457" category of visa allows employers to sponsor skilled workers from abroad for a set time (John Masanauskas, "Aussie jobs go to the world," Herald Sun (2/20/06) p. 9.).
H-1B Visas by Fiscal Year (in thousands) (Editorial, Wall Street Journal (8/26/05) p. A12.) {w65}
|
Year |
1992 |
1993 |
1994 |
1995 |
1996 |
1997 |
1998 |
1999 |
|
Cap |
65 |
65 |
65 |
65 |
65 |
65 |
65 |
115 |
|
# issued |
49 |
61 |
60 |
54 |
55 |
65 |
65 |
115 |
{w60}
|
Year |
2000 |
2001 |
2002 |
2003 |
2004 |
2005 |
2006 |
|
Cap |
115 |
195 |
195 |
195 |
65 |
65 |
65 |
|
# issued |
115 |
163 |
79 |
78 |
65 |
65 |
65 |
Source: Dept. of Homeland Security, National Foundation for American Policy, and American Council on International Personnel. Comments: No clear trend - hardly worth adding to gci.html
World Labor Force, 1995, with Projections to 2050 (Numbers in millions) (UN projections of population and dependency ratios and ILO projections of regional work activity rates for the year 2000.) (Lester R. Brown, Gary Gardner, Brian Halweil, "Beyond Malthus: Sixteen Dimensions of the Population Problem", Worldwatch Paper 143 (September 1998) p. 29.) {w35}
|
Region |
1995 |
2050 |
|
World |
2735 |
4666 |
|
Industrial Countries |
598 |
509 |
|
Developing Countries |
2137 |
4157 |
|
LDCs* |
261 |
945 |
* Least-Developed Countries -- the world's 28 poorest nations, based on per-capita GNP.
El Paso Texas (pop: 700,000) has lost more than 10,000 manufacturing jobs since NAFTA took effect on Jan.1, 1994. Nearby, in Ciudad Juarez, Mexico, (pop: 1.3 million) the population is growing by 50,000 people per year. Workers its maquiladoras make, in a day, what their American counterparts make in an hour. The underground aquifer on which Ciudad Juarez depends is falling by 5 feet per year. The water in it is expected to be gone in 20 years. The city can adequately treat less than 35% of the sewage generated. Nearly a third of the population lives in homes that are not connected to sewage systems. Only about half the streets are paved. 12% of the people have no reliable access to clean water. (Greg Thompson, "Mexico border growth leaves workers poor in ecological disaster", New York Times (2/11/01)).
Maquiladoras in Major Municipal Areas of Mexico's Part of the Rio Grande Basin (02K3) {w70}
|
Area |
Year |
Plants |
Employees |
Year |
Plants |
Employees |
|
Juarez |
1980 |
121 |
42,412 |
2000 |
312 |
255,740 |
|
Cd. Chihuahua |
1980 |
19 |
4,415 |
2000 |
85 |
52,722 |
|
Matamoros |
1980 |
50 |
15,314 |
2000 |
38 |
14,475 |
|
Piedras Negras |
1993 |
42 |
9,122 |
2000 |
38 |
14,475 |
|
Cd. Acuna |
1992 |
50 |
18,615 |
2000 |
57 |
32,289 |
|
Nuevo Laredo |
1993 |
54 |
16,418 |
2000 |
55 |
22,050 |
|
Reynosa |
1993 |
78 |
34,258 |
2000 |
122 |
64,877 |
|
Totals |
~ |
414 |
140,554 |
~ |
707 |
456,628 |
There are now almost 3000 Maquiladoras in Mexico, employing close to 1 million people (02K3). (Copied this and the table above to gcib.html)
Recent population history of major Metropolitan Areas of the Mexico portion of the Rio Grande Basin (02K3). {w50}
|
Municipal Area |
1990 |
2000 |
% Change |
|
Cd. Juarez |
798,500 |
1,217,818 |
53 % |
|
Cd. Chihuahua |
609,059 |
670,208 |
10 %(5-year) |
|
Cd. Acuna |
41,947 |
110,388 |
163 % |
|
Piedras Negras |
80,291 |
127,898 |
59 % |
|
Nuevo Laredo |
203,285 |
310,277 |
53 % |
|
Monterrey |
1,069,238 |
1,108,499 |
4 % |
|
Reynosa |
211,411 |
471,651 |
98 % |
|
Matamoros |
238,839 |
416,428 |
74 % |
|
Totals |
3,252,570 |
4,433,167 |
36 % |
Recent population history of major Metropolitan Areas of the Texas portion of the Rio Grande Basin (02K3). {w60}
|
MSA |
1990 |
2000 |
% Change |
|
McAllen-Edinburg-Mission |
383,545 |
569,463 |
48.5 |
|
El Paso |
591,610 |
679,622 |
14.9 |
|
Brownsville-Harlingen-San Benito |
260,120 |
335,227 |
28.9 |
|
Laredo |
133,239 |
193,117 |
44.9 |
|
Totals |
1,368,514 |
1,777,429 |
29.9 |
China's 114 million migrant workers represent the largest migration in human history in terms of pure numbers (04C2). Rural people make up the bulk of these migrant workers (04C2).
Lindert and Williamson (01L1) conclude that human migration was a more important equalizing factor than either trade or capital movements.
"Emigration is estimated to have raised Irish wages by 32%, Italian by 28% and Norwegian by 10%. Immigration is estimated to have lowered Argentine wages by 22%, Australian by 15%, Canadian by 16% and American by 8%" (01L1) (Lindert and Williamson).
About half of graduate students in the physical sciences and engineering in the US come from abroad (03C1). (in gci.html)
Problems in Los Angeles with housing, law enforcement, crime, air pollution, traffic, garbage pickup, education, emergency hospital care, welfare, mental health aid, homeless shelters appear typical of Third World cities. Some sociologists predict Los Angeles will become a slum in the 21st century. A housing expert at U. of Southern California contends that Los Angeles is a "hidden version of the traditional squatters settlements found in Third World cities." (E.A. Torriero, Pittsburgh Post Gazette (7/30/89)).
10% of the population of Mexico, Cuba, Jamaica, Haiti and many other Caribbean nations have already migrated to the US (Pat Buchanan, Pittsburgh Post Gazette (9/26/94)).
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SECTION [3-F] ~ PRODUCTIVITIES ~
The typical American family's income has lagged far behind productivity growth since 2000, a departure from most of the post-World War II period (07I1).
Between 1947 and 1974, productivity, or output per hour, and median income, adjusted for inflation, both roughly doubled. Between 1974 and 2000, productivity rose 56% while incomes rose 29%. Between 2000 and 2005, productivity rose 16% while median income fell 2% (07I1).
In 2003, Chinese companies spent $18 billion on R&D, up from $8 billion in 1999 (04F3).
Microsoft chairman Bill Gates said that China has overtaken the US as the center for cell-phone handset technology (04F3).
Baily and Gersbach (95B1) carried out a comparison of labor productivity in Japan, Germany and the US for a number of manufacturing sectors, including food and beer. The US was most productive in both of these sectors, food productivity in Germany reaching 76% of the US level while in Japan it was only 33%. For beer the comparable figures were Germany 44%, and Japan 69%.
SECTION [3-G] ~ IN-SOURCING/ OUT-SOURCING ~
In 2000, 40% of the world's telecom equipment was produced in America. In 2005 the share was 21% and falling (06F1).
61% of Americans say they are concerned that they (or a friend or a relative of theirs) might lose a job because the employer is moving that job to a foreign country (Gallup poll). 41% say they are "very concerned" about this happening, and another 20% say they are "somewhat concerned." (http://www.rediff.com//money/2004/mar/17bpo1.htm of 3/17/04)
Princeton economist Alan Blinder contends that, of about 140 million jobs that presently exist in the US, between 42 million and 56 million could be moved offshore during the next decade or two. This estimate includes all 14 million current US jobs in manufacturing and between 28 and 42 million jobs in the services sector (07M1). (in gci.html)
In a survey of more than 200 multinational corporations on their research center decisions, 38% said they planned to "change substantially" the worldwide distribution of their research and development work over the next 3 years, with China and India attracting the greatest increase in projects. These 200+ multinationals represented 15 industries and were from the US and Western Europe. There was no statistically significant difference between the decisions of the US and Western European countries. The number of companies in the survey said they planned to decrease research and development employment in the US and Western Europe exceeded the number that planned to increase employment (06L1). (in Section (2-A) [A1] in gci.html and gcir.html (06L1) (2/20/06))
In 2003, US multinationals employed 344,000 workers in China, up from 252,000 in 2000. They employed 131,000 workers in India, up 71,000 from 2000. Combined, India and China amounted to 1.6% of total employment of US multinationals. By way of perspective however, Canada was home to more than 3 times as many workers for US multinationals as China. The UK was home to about 9 times as many workers for US multinationals as India. For each (US multinational) job in low- or mid-wage countries in 2003, US (multinational) companies employed more than 10 workers in the US (05H2). 74% of all output by (US) multinationals was produced in the US in 2003 (down from 78% in 2000). In 1977, (US) multinationals produced 75% of their total output at home (05H2). Manufacturing employment fell at US plants and their foreign affiliates in 2003. This suggests that increased use of technology (improved productivity) and economic cycles also influence the manufacturing employment picture (05H2). (In Section (2-A) [1] of gci.html)
From 2000 to 2003, employment by US multinationals rose by 193,000, or 2.4%, at their foreign affiliates. During the same period, US employment by American multinationals declined by 2.2 million, or 9.1%, to 21.7 million (05H2). Capital spending by US multinationals has also been declining in the US and increasing abroad (05H2). (In Section (3-A) [18] of gci.html)
A report by the US Commerce Department in late July of 2005 shows employment and capital spending by US multinationals have been declining domestically and rising abroad, evidence that large US companies are shifting work and employment abroad (05H2). (in gci.html - see statement Below.)
Continental Airlines farms out about 60% of its aircraft maintenance work excluding line maintenance at airports. American Airlines outsources 20% of its aircraft maintenance (05C1).
Between 65 and 80% of the total cost of aircraft maintenance is labor (05C1).
U.S. carriers have maintenance labor costs of $65 to $70/ employee-hour including supervisors and wages and benefits. Outside shops in North America, Europe and Asia command only $40-50/ employee-hour, while Latin American shops charge as little as $20-$26/ employee-hour (05C1). Aircraft mechanics at Aeroman in San Salvador start at $300/ month and earn as much as $1000/ month, as compared to per-capita income in San Salvador of around $2,200/ year (05C1).
Top US airline maintenance technicians, in 2004, could demand as much as $37/ hour plus benefits (05C1).
Half of U.S. carriers' heavy overhaul work is now performed by outside vendors in the U.S. and overseas (vs. less than 1/3 in 1990). The worldwide aircraft maintenance market is worth an estimated $37 billion/ year (05C1).
Value of maintenance work performed by outside contractors for North American airlines: $1.8 billion in 1990, $4.9 billion in 2003, $8.2 billion in 2014 (est.) (05C1).
India's software exports grew 25% in the past year to $12.5 billion. Back-office work generated nearly an additional $4 billon in revenue (04S4). Over the next year, software exports are expected to increase by 25-30%, and back-office work is expected to increase by 60% (04S4).
More than 80% of the world's top 2000 corporations will have established significant outsourcing operations overseas by the end of 2005. Japanese and European companies are also investing heavily in offshore operations (Study by neoIT, a Silicon Valley and Bangalore, India consulting group) (04S4).
Percentage of big (US?) drug companies Research &Development budgets outsourced to third parties (Source: China Pharmaceutical Economy Research Center). {w55}
|
Year |
1990 |
1995 |
2000 |
2005 (forecast) (04S3) |
|
Percentage |
15 |
35 |
50 |
65 |
wp04186.pdf (42 pp) Fear of Service Outsourcing: Is it Justified?
http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/cat/longres.cfm?sk=17688.0
The recent media and political attention on service outsourcing from developed to developing countries gives the impression that outsourcing is exploding. As a result, workers in industrial countries are anxious about job losses. This paper aims at establishing what are the hypes and what are the facts. The results show that although service outsourcing has been steadily increasing it is still very low, and that in the US and many other industrial countries 'insourcing' is greater than outsourcing. Using the UK as a case study, the authors find that job growth at a sectoral level is not negatively related to service outsourcing. IMF Working Paper No. 04/186 by Mary Amiti and Shang-Jin Wei, October 2004 (PDF 450KB). 10/18/04.
Saved a 42-page paper http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/wp/wp04186.pdf in E:\pdffiles\*.pdf
In the Journal of Economic Perspectives (issue of the week of 9/23/04) economist Paul Samuelson said that the surge of skills and wealth in India and China might lead to lower wages for U.S. workers and sluggish economic growth. Samuelson said he was prompted to write his critique because Federal Reserve Chair Alan Greenspan and Gregory Mankiw (Chair of the president's Council of Economic Advisors) praised the benefits of free trade and outsourcing without offering the necessary caveats. Samuelson said that Greenspan and Mankiw are wrong to believe that globalization will necessarily raise American living standards (Mark Drajem, "Nobelist Samuelson says outsourcing may not be a plus", Pittsburgh Post Gazette (9/23/04) p. C-15).
Goldman Sachs estimates that up to 1 million manufacturing jobs have been shifted overseas since 2001 by US companies and their suppliers (04H2). The net decline in manufacturing employment in the US since 2001 was about 3 million (Bureau of Labor Statistics data) (04H2). Comments: Some of the 2-million difference was likely the result of non-US-owned companies exporting manufactured goods to the US. (Continued below)
Joseph Carson (economist with Alliance Capital management LP) found that employment trends in 20 large economies from 1995 to 2003 saw 18 million jobs in manufacturing being eliminated. 13 of these 18 million lost manufacturing jobs were in China and were the result of restructuring of state-run enterprises (04H2). Japan lost more manufacturing jobs than the US during this 8-year period -Japan pays higher wages than the US (04H2). Comments: Of these 20 "large" economies, what fraction was in the developed world where outsourcing is also a problem? A large fraction of the world's "large" economies are developed-world economies. The population of the developed world is about 1.2 billion, suggesting there are about 500 million jobs in the developed world.
Ravi Aron (Wharton School) believes that between 2000 and 2004, about 440,000 white-collar jobs (US?) were lost to outsourcing in India and other countries (04H2).
In the Philippines, the number of people doing back-office work for non-Philippine companies increased from 25,000 in 2002 to 39,500 in 2003 (04H2).
India's National Association of Software and Service companies estimate that, between March 2000 and March 2004, employment of workers such as software developers and call-center operators who serve clients outside India, increased by 353,000 to 505,000. About 70% (247,000) of those additional workers were serving clients in the US (04H2). Comments: This suggests a doubling time of roughly 2.5 years.
Mark Zandi, an economist with Economy.com, projects that the amount of white-collar + manufacturing work that is sent offshore will increase from about 300,000 jobs per year today to about 600,000 jobs/ year by 2010 (04H2).
An International Data Corp. (IDC) study in 2003 estimated that 23% of all white-collar tech jobs will be filled off-shore by 2007, up from 5% in 2004. An IDC spokesman later said that these results are probably an overestimate, and new results will be out later in 2004 (04H2).
John McCarthy, Forrester Research, Inc., said that the cumulative number of white-collar jobs that have moved offshore is less than 300,000 - about 0.2% of the total job market in any given year (04H2).
John McCarthy, Forrester Research, Inc., made an educated guess about how many jobs would be shipped offshore by 2015. His number - 3.3 million jobs (cumulative) representing $136 billion in wages (04H2).
Employment in India of workers who provide information technology and other services to customers offshore, in thousands (from a chart) (04H2): {w55}
|
Year |
2000 |
2001 |
2002 |
2003 |
2004 |
|
IT workers |
110 |
160 |
170 |
205 |
260 |
|
Other Service Workers |
42 |
72 |
106 |
171 |
245 |
Many economists estimate that roughly 100,000 white-collar jobs migrate overseas each year (04H2).
The U.S. government does not keep count of jobs leaving the country (04H2).
As part of a new U.S. layoff survey, the Labor Dept. said 6/10/04 that 4633 jobs were moved overseas during the first quarter of 2004 - less than 2% of the total of 239,361 layoffs for that quarter (04S1). Of the 16,021 workers who lost their jobs because of relocation, 62% were transferred to locations within the U.S. This survey tallies only large companies that have had layoffs of 50 workers or more (04S1). Mark Zandi, chief economist at economics.com says the Labor Dept. survey results are consistent with his estimates from broader economic data suggesting that 350,000 U.S. jobs are going overseas annually (04S1).
Outsourcing Institute found that 60% of companies with fewer than 500 employees expect to spend $1 million to $5 million on outsourcing in the next 12 months for technology, manufacturing and logistics (03A3).
Engineers in India earn $5-$10,000/ year, vs. at least $50,000 in the US (03A3).
Outsourcing took off in the 1990s (03A3).
Forrester Research Inc. predicts that American employers will move about 3.3 million white-collar service jobs and $136 billion in (annual) wages overseas in the next 15 years (03A3). (in gci.html)
Regional distribution of FDI inflows and outflows (in billions of US$) (03S5) {w70}
|
~ |
FDI inflows. |
FDI outflows. |
||
|
1989- 94 |
2000 |
1989-94 |
2000 |
|
|
Developed countries: |
137.1 |
1005.2 |
203.2 |
1046.3 |
|
~-EU |
76.6 |
617.3 |
105.2 |
772.9 |
|
~-Japan |
1.0 |
15.8 |
9.0 |
32.9 |
|
~-United States |
42.5 |
8.2 |
49.0 |
139.3 |
|
~-Other |
17.0 |
363.9 |
40.0 |
101.2 |
|
Developing countries: |
59.6 |
240.2 |
24.9 |
99.5 |
|
~-Africa |
4.0 |
8.2 |
0.9 |
0.7 |
|
~-Latin Amer./Caribbean |
17.5 |
86.2 |
3.7 |
13.4 |
|
~-Asia |
37.9 |
143.8 |
20.3 |
85.3 |
|
~-Other |
0.2 |
2.0 |
0.0 |
0.1 |
|
~-Cent./East. Europe |
3.4 |
25.4 |
0.1 |
4.0 |
|
World |
200.1 |
1270.8 |
228.3 |
1149.9 |
Source: UN, Promoting linkages. In World Investment Report. New York and Geneva (2001).
Offshore outsourcing save companies 25-50% A recent report by Foote Partners LLC in New Canaan CT said up to 45% of information-technology workers in the US and Canada will be replaced by contractors, consultants, offshore technicians and part-time workers by 2005 ("North America: Jobs Move Offshore as Firms Continue to Economize", New Haven Register, (4/14/03)).
In India, the amount of software and back-office services performed for companies outside India is expected to reach $54 billion by 2008. The Indian market for the same services is expected to reach just $15 billion ("North America: Jobs Move Offshore as Firms Continue to Economize", New Haven Register (4/14/03)).
Japanese companies can hire 3 Chinese software engineers for the price of one in Japan (04F1). (in gci.html Appendix B, 6/25/04)
Between 10,000 and 20,000 insurance claims-adjudication jobs have moved to other countries, leaving about 300,000 of those jobs in the US (04M2).
Lucent Technologies Inc. has shifted from producing 70% of its own products to less than 30% during Oct. 2001- Oct. 2003 (03A1).
95% of the toys sold in the US are imported (03A1).
Nearly 50% of all wood furniture sold in the US was made elsewhere (03A1).
About 100,000 U.S. tax returns will be handled overseas in 2004. Some outsourcers estimate that an accounting firm can save $50,000 for every 100 tax returns it ships to India (04M2). The U.S. tax preparation business completes more than half of all individual tax returns. Individual tax returns expected by the IRS in 2004: 132 million (04M2).
Federal laws (USA) require that anyone interpreting X-rays and other images be trained and licenses in the US. (04M2).
About 10% of US jobs in medical transcription have been shifted to India, Pakistan, Canada and other countries according to the American Association for Medical Transcription. Some estimates put the off-shoring figure as high as 30%. The U.S. industry had about 99,000 workers in 2002, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics (04M2).
India's National Association of o Software and Service Companies estimates that more than 300,000 white-collar jobs have been created there since 2000 to serve overseas clients, many of them US companies (04M2).
The U.S. had a total of 138.3 million employed workers on 2/29/04 (04M2).
John McCarthy, a Forrester Research Inc. vice president, estimates that as many as 588,000 U.S. jobs will be "off-shored" by 2005 - and a total of 1.6 million by 2010 (04M2).
Fiber-optic capacity into India from the rest of the world is expected to more than double again during 2004.
A telephone and data line under the Pacific Ocean capable of handling 128 voice calls at a time can cost $11,000/ month -25% of its cost two years earlier (04D1). (in gci.html)
As many as 30 Chinese workers can be hired for the cost of one cabinetmaker in North Carolina (04M1). (in gci.html)
Employment in wooden furniture factories in the US peaked at 147,900 around 1979. It has since fallen to about 93,100 -with roughly 30,000 jobs lost during 2000-2002 (04M1). (in gci.html)
Globalization of IT Services and White Collar Jobs: The Next Wave of Productivity Growth
http://www.iie.com/publications/pb/pb03-11.pdf
This policy brief by Catherine L. Mann published by Institute for International Economics in December 2003 concludes that globalization of IT hardware production is a model for the global evolution of IT services and software. Just as for IT hardware, globally integrated production of IT software and services will reduce these prices and make tailoring of business-specific packages affordable, which will promote further diffusion of IT use and transformation throughout the US economy. Going forward, broader diffusion of IT throughout the economy points to even greater demand for workers with IT skills and proficiency.
Annual sales for the US tool-making industry peaked at $25-27 million in 2000 and declined to about $20 billion in 2003 (03A2).
Orders to US manufacturers for machines used by the toolmakers have plunged nearly 70% since 1997 (03A2).
The National Tool and Machining Association estimates that 30% of the toolmakers in the US have shut down in the past 3 years (03A2).
Call center workers in Newcastle (in the UK) earn $27,110 - $30,500/ year - roughly 10 times as much as their counterparts would make in India (03V1). High school dropouts man Newcastle call centers, whereas in India college graduates man call centers. (Unemployment in India is around 25% (03V1).) (In gci-apend-b.doc)
India has about 171,000 people working in call centers (03V1).
Companies have slashed as many at 10,000 call center jobs in the U.K. in the past 18 months, and it is estimated that 200,000 jobs will be at risk over the next 5 years (according to Amicus, the UK's largest labor union (03V1)). Call centers employ 790,000 people in the UK - 2.8% of the work force (03V1).
The US has lost roughly 400,000 jobs to other countries in such areas as back-office bank work and low-level computer coding jobs. That number is expected to rise to around 3.3 million by 2015, according to Forrester Research (03V1).
Goldman Sachs & Co. estimates that manufacturers have moved overseas, in the past 3 years, as many as 500,000 jobs. These are increasingly skilled design and technology positions - about 20% of the total manufacturing-job losses for the period (03S3). (in gci.html)
Goldman Sachs & Co. estimates that about 200,000 service jobs, a large percentage in information technology (IT), have been shipped abroad to US affiliates during the past 3 years (03S3). (Ref. is in gci-refs.doc) (Info is in gci-analysis.doc Part [2A1] under (03S6).)
A 2003 Wall Street Journal/ NBC News poll found that 54% of Americans believe that US companies that send work overseas are giving away jobs (03S3).
Professional workers have rounded up bipartisan support in Congress to let lapse a measure that had temporarily boosted the number of work visas issued to foreign professionals, often from India, to 195,000/ year from the normal 65,000. They also helped to build support for a new measure to shorten the length of time guest workers can remain in the US (03S3).
Intel Corp. Chairman Andy Grove, warned that the US could lose the bulk of its information technology jobs to overseas competition in the next decade, largely to India and China (03S3).
Software salaries in India are less than 25% of US levels, and there is pressure to maintain that gap because Bangladesh, Pakistan and China are pressing India on the low end to get a piece of the software business (03D2). (In gci.html)
Over the past 3 years (mid-2000 to mid-2003), the US has lost perhaps 150,000 information technology jobs to foreign competition. This is probably the same number lost as the number lost during the 1990s (03D2). (03D2 is in refs.doc) (Info is in gci-analysis.doc Part [2A1]
Mexico is losing garment assembly jobs to Central America, call centers to Argentina, data processing to India, and electronics manufacture to China (03M2). Mexico has nearly lost the battle on low-skilled, labor-intensive industries according to Merrill Lynch's Latin American specialist Robert Berges. Two of Mexico's original advantages (low labor costs and cheap currency) are gone according to the head of General Electric Corp's Mexico operations (03M2). (in gci.html).
Change in payroll employment from May 2001 to May 2003 in the US (in gci.html)
(Jon E. Hilsenrath, "Jobless Workers Switch Fields to Find Relief", Wall Street Journal (6/24/03)) {w75}
|
Jobs that can Go overseas: |
Jobs that cannot be directly moved overseas: |
||
|
MANUFACTURING |
-1,935,000 |
EDUCATION |
+212,700 |
|
AIR TRANSPORT |
--108,800 |
HEALTH |
+709,400 |
More than 25% of all of the 500 largest US corporations are engaged in outsourcing to foreign countries (03S2). (In gci.html)
Surveys show that US companies of all sizes are relocating a greater number and a greater range of service jobs to foreign nations. The positions once limited to call centers and other low-level processing work, now includes stock analysis, accounting, tax returns and insurance-claim processing (03S2). (In gci.html)
Projected Loss of Jobs (millions) and Wages (in $billions) (apparently cumulative) (from a graph) (Source: Forrester Research) (03S2) {w40}
|
Year |
2000 |
2005 |
2010 |
2015 |
|
Jobs |
0.1 |
0.6 |
1.6 |
3.3 |
|
Wages |
4.0 |
24.0 |
64.0 |
130.0 |
Categories of projected jobs lost (out-sourced from the US): (in millions) (03S2) {w30}
|
Office Support |
1.70 |
|
Computer |
0.47 |
|
Business Operations |
0.35 |
|
Management |
0.29 |
|
Sales |
0.23 |
|
Architecture |
0.18 |
|
Legal |
0.08 |
|
Manufacturing |
(Not given) |
By one estimate, several million US jobs are expected to move off-shore in the next 12 years, particularly to India (03S2).
Legislation aimed at keeping jobs in the US is pending in at least 5 states: NJ, CT, MD, MO, WA. Opponents argue that blocking foreign employees from working on state contracts could violate World Trade Organization (WTO) laws (03S2).
Foreign-based companies' economic activity in the US (from graph) (Wall Street Journal (4/4/03))
(Source: Bureau of Economic Analysis) (Total assets in $trillions; total jobs in millions) {w80}
|
Year- |
1990 |
1991 |
1992 |
1993 |
1994 |
1995 |
1996 |
1997 |
1998 |
1999 |
2000 |
|
Assets |
1.5 |
1.7 |
3.0 |
2.1 |
2.2 |
2.4 |
2.7 |
3.0 |
3.5 |
4.1 |
4.8 |
|
Jobs- |
4.7 |
4.9 |
4.8 |
4.8 |
4.8 |
4.9 |
5.1 |
5.2 |
5.6 |
6.0 |
6.4 |
Some 250,000-350,000 information technology professionals now work in India, and about 2 million have emigrated (03L1). (in gci.html)
John Larson, Ford motor Company's director of information technology for the Asia Pacific region said that "They have a very good education system in India and lots more workers" than they need (03L1).
General Motors Corp. announced it would invest $21 million and employ 260 full-time and contract workers at a center in Bangalore India for computer-aided engineering and design of future models, as well as research/development (03L1)
The US textile industry has lost 700,000 jobs since 1994 (02P2).
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SECTION (3-H) ~ PRIVATIZATION AND GATS ~
Every country in the WTO (World Trade Organization) is part of the GATS (General Agreement on Trade in Services agreement). This covers everything - even municipal services like sewer and water. The goal is to promote privatization of public services and deregulation, subjecting them to the WTO's rules. The US pushed to have services included in the Uruguay Round negotiations, but countries resisted privatization and would only agree to GATS if they could choose which to include. So GATS has country-specific schedules of services covered. GATS creates obligations backed up by trade sanctions and is the first multilateral agreement to provide enforceable rights to trade in all services. It has periodic negotiations and covers every means of supplying a service including the right to set up a presence in the export market. This includes the right for US corporations to set up operations in countries immune from US laws. Rebecca Mark, as CEO of Enron's water subsidiary Azurix, remarked that she would not rest until all the world's water has been privatized. In contrast, says Vandana Shiva: "Privatization and commodification of water are a threat to the right to life." ("General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS)", Sierra Club release, www.iisd.org/trade/private_rights.htm 3/17/03)
SECTION (3-I) ~ CONDITIONS THAT AFFECT BENEFITS AND COSTS OF GLOBALIZATION ~
Economic Effects of Regional Tax Havens
http://papers.nber.org/papers/w10806.pdf (Cost: $5.00)
How does the opportunity to use tax havens influence economic activity in nearby non-haven countries? Analysis of affiliate-level data indicates that American multinational firms use tax haven affiliates to reallocate taxable income away from high-tax jurisdictions and to defer home country taxes on foreign income. Ownership of tax haven affiliates is associated with reduced tax payments by nearby non-haven affiliates, the size of the effect being equivalent to a 20.8% tax rate reduction. The evidence also indicates that use of tax havens indirectly stimulates the growth of operations in non-haven countries in the same region. A 1% greater likelihood of establishing a tax haven affiliate is associated with 0.5-0.7% greater sales and investment growth by non-haven affiliates, implying a complementary relationship between haven and non-haven activity. The ability to avoid taxes by using tax haven affiliates therefore appears to facilitate economic activity in non-haven countries within regions (NBER Working Paper No. w10806, by Mihir A. Desai, C. Fritz Foley and James R. Hines (10/06/04))
A password was emailed to me from management@ssrn.com. 10/23/04. (Assigned Username is bsundquist1@juno.com) (Assigned PW is: Bruce206) (SSRN = Social Science Research Network)
Stiglitz argues that trade hasn't been opened in the right way. E.g. African nations were made worse off by trade liberalization during the 1990s because trade was opened for services exported by rich countries - such as financial services - but remained protected in areas where poor countries could compete, such as agricultural goods, textiles or construction (02H2). (in gci.html)
Stiglitz's book (See Chapter 11 of this review) contends that the efforts by the US treasury and the IMF to push the rest of the world into globalizing too quickly helped to create Asia's severe economic crisis in 1997 and led to premature attempts to privatize state-owned enterprises in Russia (02H2) (in gci.html).
Recessions following currency devaluations (or large depreciations) are found to be much deeper in emerging markets than in developed economies. In addition, the absence of well-functioning safety nets can greatly exacerbate the social costs of crises, which typically have large distributional consequences. Imprudent lending by the Korean banks in the early and mid-1990s, especially to the Chaebols, played a significant role in the 1997 Korean currency crisis (02K2) (Krueger and Yoo (2002)). Opening up to capital markets can thus exacerbate such existing domestic distortions and lead to catastrophic consequences (02A3) (Aizenman (2002)).
While it is difficult to find a strong and robust effect of financial integration on economic growth, there is some evidence in the literature of various kinds of "threshold effects." For example, there is some evidence that the effect of foreign direct investment on growth depends on the level of human capital in a developing country. For countries with relatively low human capital, there is at best a small positive effect that can be detected in the data. On the other hand, for countries whose human capital has exceeded a certain threshold, there is some evidence that FDI promotes economic growth (98B2) (Borenzstein, De Gregorio, and Lee (1998)).
The term governance encompasses: transparency, control of corruption, rule of law, and financial sector supervision. More generally, one might think of a country's absorptive capacity in terms of human capital, depth of domestic financial market, quality of governance and macroeconomic policies. There is some preliminary evidence that foreign capital flows do not seem to generate positive productivity spillovers to domestic firms for countries with a relatively low absorptive capacity, but positive spillovers are more likely to be detected for countries with a relatively high level of absorptive capacity. This evidence is consistent with the view that countries need to build up a certain amount of absorptive capacity in order to effectively take advantage of financial globalization. (99A1) (Aitken and Harrison (1999); (01W1) (World Bank (2001); (00B2) (Bailliu (2000); (01A1) (Arteta, Eichengreen, and Wyplosz (2001); (02A2) (Alfaro, Chandra, Kalemi-Ozcan, and Sayek (2002)). Comments: In other words, if all a country has to offer is unskilled labor it is unlikely to benefit from globalization.
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SECTION (3-J) ~ EFFECTS OF GLOBALIZATION ON CONSUMPTION ~
China has defied all predictions and can largely feed itself, but there are new problems. China and India together have 2.5 billion people, slightly over 50% in China. China consumes almost 33% of the world's rice production, over 25% of global steel production and nearly 50% of global cement production. Oil consumption has doubled in India since 1992, while China went from near oil-self-sufficiency in the mid-1990s to becoming the world's second largest oil importer in 2004. Oil prices, worldwide, have soared, as have prices of natural resources generally (06U3). (In gci.html Section (3-A) [A17] and in gcir.html as (06U1).))
Growing at a rapid rate, China has taken the lion's share in the consumption of grain, meat, coal and steel, and loses out to the US only in oil. China's consumption of fertilizer is double that of the US. China trails the US in automobiles and will soon overtake the US in the use of personal computers. China leads in the consumption of wheat and rice, and trails the US only in corn use. China's 2004 intake of 64 million tonnes of meat is above the 38 million tonnes consumed in the US. China's steel usage is now more than twice that of the US 258 million tonnes to 104 million tonnes in 2003. China's per capita annual income of 5300 dollars is 14% of the 38,000 dollars in the US ("China Overtakes US as Top Consumer", China Daily (2/17/05) http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/english/doc/2005-02/17/content_417043.htm).
The construction in China's cities has transformed it from a minor consumer into a country that absorbed half the world's cement production last year, one-third of its steel, one-fifth of its aluminum and nearly one-fourth of its copper. China has become the second-largest importer of oil. Shipyards in Japan and Korea have orders through 2007. China is building new shipyards, including the world's largest in Shanghai. In 2003, global ship orders more than doubled. For the coal producers, each motionless day means paying ship owners as high as $20,000 per vessel. Once a major coal exporter, China is now consuming its production, putting pressure on the global supply ("Booming China Devouring Raw Materials; Producers and Suppliers Struggle to Feed a Voracious Appetite", Washington Post (5/21/04).).
Life expectancy in China increased from less than 40 years in 1950 to 69 years in 1982. But during the ensuing 20 years, life expectancy increased by only one year (03W1).
The basic critique of the consensus view is that the link between openness and growth is one of correlation but not, or at least not necessarily, one of causation. Simply put, openness is essentially an economic outcome, captured (in the case of the World Bank study) by the ratio of trade to GDP, but not an input, i.e. a policy tool to arrive at higher growth. (2) When focusing on the causal relationship between trade policy, growth and poverty reduction, critics of the consensus view claim that it appears to be an upside-down version of reality (01R1) (Rodrik) (02O1) (Oxfam). In fact, they stress that some of the most successful globalizers are anything but radical liberalizers, while many of the most radical liberalizers have actually achieved very little in terms of economic growth and poverty reduction. They claim that no country has ever developed simply by opening itself up to foreign trade and investment and that practically all of today's developed countries embarked on their growth behind tariff barriers, and reduced protection only subsequently (01R1) (Rodrik).
(2) Dollar and Kraay acknowledge this possibility, when declaring "we use decade-over-decade changes in the volume of trade as an imperfect proxy for changes in trade policy" (01D1) (Dollar and Kraay).
(3) Bussolo and Lecomte (99B1) also stress that trade policy theory does not unambiguously suggest that protection has a negative impact on growth in developing countries.
Over the 1990s, rapidly integrating economies recorded a per-capita income growth rate of more than 4%/ year while the income available per person in less integrated countries shrank by 1% annually (01W3) (World Bank, 2001e). Comments: Per-capita Income has little to do with consumption. Comments: The causes of a country being less integrated or more integrated could have caused the above conclusion - not the effects of integration.
A number of empirical studies have tried to systematically examine whether financial integration contributes to economic growth using various approaches to dealing with the difficult problem of proving causation. Table 3 of the original reference summarizes the 14 most recent studies on this subject. Three out of the fourteen papers report a positive effect of financial integration on growth. However, the majority of the papers tend to find no effect or a mixed effect for developing countries. This suggests that, if financial integration has a positive effect on growth, it is probably not strong or robust (03P1).
Figure 6 of the original reference
presents a scatter plot of the growth rate of real per capita GDP against the increase in financial integration over 1982-97. There is essentially no association between these variables. Figure 7 of he original reference
presents a scatter plot of these two variables after taking into account the effects of a country's initial income, initial schooling, average investment-to-GDP ratio, political instability and regional location. Again, the figure does not suggest a positive association between financial integration and economic growth.
Another important feature of these net private capital flows is that they differ substantially in terms of volatility. Table 1 of the original reference
shows the volatility of FDI, portfolio flows and bank lending to developing economies. FDI flows are the least volatile of the different categories of private capital flows to developing economies, which is not surprising given their long-term and relatively fixed nature. Portfolio flows tend to be far more volatile and prone to abrupt reversals than FDI. These patterns hold when the MFI and LFI economies are examined separately. Even in the case of LFIs, the volatility of FDI flows is much lower than that of other types of flows (03P1).
One key feature of global financial integration over the last decade has been the dramatic increase in net private capital flows from industrial countries (the "North") to developing countries (the "South"). Figure 3 breaks down the levels of these flows into the four main constituent categories. The main increase has been in terms of FDI and portfolio flows, while the relative importance of bank lending has declined somewhat. In fact, net bank lending turned negative for a few years during the time of the Asian crisis.
The main conclusions are that, so far, it has proven difficult to find robust evidence in support of the proposition that financial integration helps developing countries to improve growth and to reduce macroeconomic volatility.
To summarize, one of the theoretical benefits of financial globalization, other than to enhance growth, is to allow developing countries to better manage macroeconomic volatility, especially by reducing consumption volatility relative to output volatility. The evidence suggests that, instead, countries that are in the early stages of financial integration have been exposed to significant risks in terms of higher volatility of both output and consumption.
In this vein, the proliferation of financial and currency crises among developing economies is often viewed as a natural consequence of the "growing pains" associated with financial globalization. These can take various forms (03P1).
There is some empirical support for these hypothesized effects. For example, there is evidence that international investors do engage in herding and momentum trading in emerging markets, more so than in developed countries. Recent research also suggests the presence of contagion in international financial markets. In addition, some developing countries that open their capital markets do appear to accumulate unsustainably high levels of external debt (03P1).
While volatility of output growth has, on average, declined in the 1990s relative to the three earlier decades, volatility of consumption growth relative to that of income growth has on average increased
for the emerging market economies in the 1990s, which was precisely the period of a rapid increase in financial globalization. In other words, as argued in more detail later in the paper, pro-cyclical access to international capital markets appears to have had a perverse effect on the relative volatility of consumption for financially integrated developing economies.
In short, while financial globalization can, in theory, help to promote economic growth through various channels, there is as yet no robust empirical evidence that this causal relationship is quantitatively very important. This point to an interesting contrast between financial openness and trade openness, since an overwhelming majority of research papers have found a positive effect of the latter on economic growth (03P1).
Some of the countries with capital account liberalization have experienced output collapses related to costly banking or currency crises. A few papers find a positive effect of financial integration on growth. However, the majority find no effect or at best a mixed effect. Thus, an objective reading of the vast research effort to date suggests that there is no strong, robust and uniform support for the theoretical argument that financial globalization per se delivers a higher rate of economic growth. However, a systematic examination of the evidence suggests that it is difficult to establish a robust causal relationship between the degree of financial integration and output growth performance. From the perspective of macroeconomic stability, consumption is regarded as a better measure of well being than output; fluctuations in consumption are therefore regarded as having a negative impact on economic welfare. There is little evidence that financial integration has helped developing countries to better stabilize fluctuations in consumption growth, notwithstanding the theoretically large benefits that could accrue to developing countries in this respect. In fact, new evidence presented in this paper suggests that low to moderate levels of financial integration may have made some countries subject to even greater volatility of consumption relative to that of output. Thus, while there is no proof in the data that financial globalization has benefited growth, there is evidence that some countries may have experienced greater consumption volatility as a result (03P1).
Consumption volatility for industrial and Less Financially Integrated (LFI) economies declined in the 1990s. By contrast, it increases for MFI economies over the same period. (See Table 4 in original document)
There is no positive and robust association across developing countries between faster increase in financial integration and faster improvement in a society's health. Several pieces of evidence suggest that higher trade integration is associated with a faster increase in life expectancy and a faster reduction in infant mortality (03P1).
The differential effects between trade and financial integration are echoed in other empirical research. As an alternative to examining the effect on economic growth or level of income, one can examine the effects of trade and financial openness on a society's health status. Using data on 79 developing countries during 1962-97, (02W3) (Wei and Wu) report several pieces of evidence suggesting that a faster increase in trade openness - especially when measured by reduction in tariff rates - is associated with a faster increase in life expectancy and a faster reduction in infant mortality, even after one takes into account the effect of income, institutions, and other factors. In contrast, higher financial integration is not associated with a faster improvement in a society's health status. This suggests that, in the health dimension, as in the growth literature, it is harder to find a beneficial role for financial integration compared to trade integration for developing countries (03P1).
It is interesting to contrast the empirical literature on the effects of financial integration with that on the effects of trade integration. Although there are some skeptics (01R2) (Rodriguez and Rodrik (2001)), an overwhelming majority of empirical papers reach the conclusion that trade openness helps to promote economic growth. These studies employ a variety of techniques, including country case studies as well as cross-country regressions. In a recent paper that surveys all the prominent empirical research on the subject, (02B1) (Berg and Krueger (2002)) conclude that varied evidence supports the view that trade openness contributes greatly to growth." Furthermore, cross-country regressions of the level of income on various determinants generally show that openness is the most important policy variable (03P1)."
Another possible explanation for why it is difficult to detect a causal effect of financial integration on growth is the costly banking crises that some developing countries have experienced in the process of financial integration. The results in (99K1) (Kaminsky and Reinhart) suggest that a flawed sequencing of domestic financial liberalization, when accompanied by capital account liberalization, increases the chance of domestic banking crises and/or exchange rate crises. These crises are often accompanied by output collapses. As a result, the benefits from financial integration may not be evident in the data (03P1).
Why is it so difficult to find a strong and robust effect of financial integration on economic growth for developing countries, when the theoretical basis for this result is apparently so strong? Perhaps there is some logic to this outcome after all. A number of researchers have now concluded that most of the differences in income per capita across countries stem not from differences in capital-labor ratios, but from differences in total factor productivity, which, in turn, could be explained by "soft" factors or "social infrastructure" like governance, rule of law, and respect for property rights. In this case, while financial integration may open the door for additional capital to come in from abroad, it is unlikely to offer a major boost to growth by itself. In fact, if domestic governance is sufficiently weak, financial integration could cause an exodus of domestic capital and, hence, lower the growth rate of an economy. Fastest economic growth nations tend to have low population growth rates, while nations with fastest economic decline tend to have high population growth rates (03P1).
Of the papers summarized in Table 3 (of the original reference), the one by (02E1) (Edison, Levine, Ricci, and Sløk) is perhaps the most thorough and comprehensive in terms of measures of financial integration and in terms of empirical specifications. These authors measure a country's degree of financial integration both by the government's restrictions on capital account transactions as recorded in the IMF's AREAER and by the observed size of capital flows crossing the border, normalized by the size of the economy. The data set in that paper goes through 2000, the latest year analyzed in any existing study on this subject. Furthermore, the authors also employ a statistical methodology that allows them to deal with possible reverse causality - i.e., the possibility that any observed association between financial integration and growth could result from the mechanism that faster growing economies are also more likely to choose to liberalize their capital accounts. After a battery of statistical analyses, that paper concludes that, overall, there is no robustly significant effect of financial integration on economic growth (03P1).
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